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..V . " '^ '- ,. V- 



KUSSIAN-AMERICAN 
RELATIONS 

March, 1917 — March, 1920 
DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 



COMPILED AND EDITED BY 

C. K. GUMMING and WALTER W. PETTIT ^ 

UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 

JOHN A. RYAN, D.D. 
J. HENRY SCATTERGOOD 
WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE 

AT THE REQUEST OP THE 

LEAGUE OF FREE NATIONS ASSOCIATION 




NEW YORK 

HARCOURT, BRACE AND HOWE 

1920 









COPTEIGHT, 1920, BY 
THE LBAaUK OP FItCB KATIONS ASSOCIATION 



THE OUINN tt eODEN COMPANY 
RAHWAY N J. 



CU570348 



/ I 



J^^ 



FOREWORD 

The League of Free Nations Association, through encourage- 
ment of research by competent scholars, through the organiza- 
jtion of study groups and open forums in all parts of the coun- 
jtry, and by means of its own publications, is working for a 
' liberal and constructive American foreign policy. It stands for 
America's entrance into the present League of Nations with the 
object of aiding its development into a truly democratic and 
world-inclusive organization. 

It m axiomatic that upon the re-establishment of normal cul- 
tural, conmiercial, and political relations with the Russian peo- 
jple depends any adequate solution of the problems of food supply 
I and the revival of industry and trade which involve the whole 
j world. In the belief that the first requisite for the renewal of 
(these essential relationships between the United States and 
i Russia is a fuller knowledge of our Government 's Russian policy 
during the past three years, this Association on August 2, 1919, 
invited Dr. John A. Ryan, Mr. J. Henry Scattergood, and Mr. 
William Allen White to direct a study of Russian-American 
relations since the overthrow of the tsar. 

The result is this volume of documents which, because of its 
objective and non-partisan character will, we believe, contribute 
towards the formation of an enlightened public opinion on this 
most important aspect of our foreign relations. 

This Association plans to conduct, as one of its activities, 
further investigations of similar character into other phases of 
our foreign policy. 

James G. McDonald, 
Chairman of the League of Free Nations Association. 

130 West 42nd Street, 

New York City, 
Mwih 1, 1»20, 



PREFACE 

This collection of documents and papers is the result of a 
decision taken last summer by the Executive Committee of the 
League of Free Nations Association to undertake an inquiry 
into the relations between the United States and Russia since 
the Revolution of March, 1917. The responsibility for such an 
historical study was given to a committee of three. The gen- 
eral purport and spirit of the inquiry are indicated by the fol- 
lowing extract from the letter written by the Chairman of the 
Association, asking members to serve on this committee: 

**It is not intended that this study should go into the 
question of the relative merits of Bolshevism or of the forces 
fighting Bolshevism in Russia, but that it should be merely 
an attempt to make clear to the American people what the 
actual facts have been in our governmental dealings with 
the various groups in what was the Russian Empire.'* 

Those responsible for the work do not pretend that even the 
limited objective suggested by the Chairman has been attained 
in any degree of fullness. The story told by this compilation 
is necessarily fragmentary and incomplete. Many important 
facts are doubtless embodied in documents which are not acces- 
sible and it is to be hoped that this collection may be sup- 
plemented by others from authoritative quarters. The docu- 
ments which have been included vary greatly in value and sig- 
nificance — some are official and some unofficial; and the in- 
equality in the volume of materials available for different 
periods gives a certain effect of disproportion to the study as 
a whole. 

Yet it may well be claimed that these documents, here 
brought together for the first time, throw light on many impor- 
tant aspects of our recent relations with Russia. Every such 
piece of work, seriously and dispassionately undertaken, may 
be regarded as a contribution to the task of interpretation and 



vi PREFACE 

appraisement which awaits the future historian of our Russian 
policy during this critical period. 

The documents fall into three main categories: 

(1) Documents already published in English in Senate 
Reports, State Department publications, The New York 
Times y the Current History Magazine (the monthly 
published by the New York Times Company), TlfW 
Nation, etc. ; 

(2) Original translations from various Russian official and 
unofficial newspapers; 

(3) Materials hitherto unpublished, contributed by Colonel 
Raymond Robins and others. 

The arrangement followed has been a simple chronological 
one, save in a few instances where clearness and continuity 
could be better secured by a slight departure from that plan. 
The documents have been allowed to speak for themselves with 
only such annotation as seemed absolutely required. Uni- 
formity in the spelling of Russian names and in such matters 
as capitalization throughout the book has not been attempted. 
A minimum of punctuation has been introduced into the cables 
and telegrams in order to render them intelligible to the reader. 

(signed) John A. Ryan, 

J. Henry Scattergood, 
William Allen White. 

Ma/rch 1, 1920. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

FoBEWOBD iii 

Preface v 

Intboduction xiii 

DOCUMENT 

1. Statement by the Provisional Government of Russia, March 16, 

1917 1 

2. Address by Paul N. Miliukov, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the 

Representatives of the Allies, cabled to all Russian Diplomats 
abroad, March 18, 1917 2 

3. Manifesto by the Provisional Government of Russia to the People, 

March 20, 1917 4 

4. Statement conveying Recognition of the Provisional Government 

by the United States and the Provisional Government's Reply, 
March 22, 1917 6 

5. Proclamation by the Petrograd Soviet to the Peoples of the 

World, March 27, 1917 7 

6. Statement by the Provisional Government regarding the War, 

April 9, 1917 9 

7. Communication by P. N. Miliukov, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 

to the Russian Diplomats in the Allied Countries, May 1, 1917 11 

8. Explanation of P. N. Miliukov's Communication to the Russian 

Diplomats in Allied Countries, furnished by the Provisional 
Government to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers* Deputies, 
May 4, 1917 12 

9. Appeal by the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers* and 

Soldiers' Deputies, May 4, 1917 13 

10. Cable from Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federa- 

tion of Labor, to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd 
Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, May 7, 1917 . . 14 

11. Appeal by the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers* Depu- 

ties to the Socialists of all Countries, May 15, 1917 ... 16 

12. Declaration by the Second Provisional Government, May 18, 1917 19 

13. Call by the Petrograd Soviet for an International Congress, June 

2, 1917 22 

14. Note from President Wilson to the Russian Government, May 26, 

1917 23 

15. Note from the Provisional Government to the Allies, published 

June 16, 1917 2i5 

16. Note from Secretary Lansing, explaining the Aims of the Ameri- 

can Extraordinary Mission to Russia, published June 19, 1917 27 

17. Address delivered by the Honorable Elihu Root, to the Russian 

Provisional Government, June 15, 1917 28 

18. Address by President Wilson, welcoming Boris A. Bakhmeteff, 

the new Russian Ambassador to the United States, July 5, 1917 31 

19. Statement by Mr. Root on the Work of the Mission, July 10, 1917 32 

20. Statement by the Provisional Government to the Allied Powers, 

August 1, 1917 33 

21. Speech by Mr. Root in New York, August 12, 1917 . . . . 34 

vii 



viii CONTENTS 

DOCUMENT p^Qjj 

22. Message from President Wilson to the National Conference in 

Moscow, August 26, 1917 36 

13. Statement by the Provisional Government, October 8, 1917 . 36 

24. Keren sky's Interview with The Associated Press, November 1, 

1917 39 

25. Decree of Peace 41 

26. Soviet Government's First Note to Allied Ambassadors, Novem- 

ber 22, 1917 44 

27. Note from Soviet Government to Representatives of the following 

Neutral Countries Norway, the ^Netherlands, Spain, 

land, Denmark, and Sweden, November 23, 1917 .... 45 

28. Replies to the Soviet Note of November 23 46 

29. Letter from General Judson to the Chief of the Russian General 

Staff, November 25, 1917 47 

30. Statement issued to the Press by Colonel William Boyce Thomp- 

son, with regard to American Supplies, November 27, 1917 . 48 

31. Second Letter from General Judson to the Chief of the Russian 

General Staff, November 28, 1917 48 

32. Statement by Allied Military Attaches at the Russian Staff Head- 

quarters, November 23, 1917 49 

33. Statement by the Chief of the French Military Mission, General 

Berthelot, addressed to General Dukhonin, Commander-in-Chief 

of the Russian Armies, November 25, 1917 60 

34. Note from the Soviet Government to the Diplomatic Representa- 

tives of Allied Countries regarding the Beginning of Armistice 
Negotiations, November 28, 1917 51 

35. Statement by the British Embassy, November 29, 1917 ... 51 

36. Reply of the Soviet Government to the Statement of the British 

Embassy, November 30, 1917 52 

37. Statement by Lieutenant-Colonel Kerth to General Dukhonin, 

November 27, 1917 63 

38. Statement by Trotsky regarding the Note of Lieutenant-Colonel 

Kerth, December 1, 1917 54 

39. Statement by the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, re- 

garding the Visit of General Judson to Trotsky, December 1, 
1917 65 

40. Note from Trotsky to the Allied Ambassadors, December 6, 1917 56 

41. Cable from Edgar G. Sisson to George Creel, December 18, 1917 57 

42. Denial by the American Military Mission of the Presence of 

American Officers with General Kaledin 68 

43. Communication from Captain Juan of the French Military Mis- 

sion to the Russian Commander-in-Chief, December 22, 1917 . 59 

44. Cable from Colonel Raymond Robins to Henry P. Davison, sent 

through the American Embassy, Petrograd, December 26, 1917 60 

45. Cable from Henry P. Davison to Colonel Robins, January 6, 1918 60 

46. Note from Trotsky to the Peoples and Governments of Allied 

Countries regarding Peace Negotiations, December 29, 1917 . 61 

47. Document given by Ambassador Francis to Colonel Robins, Jan- 

uary 2, 1918 (No. I) 65 

48. Document given by Ambassador Francis to Colonel Robins, Jan- 

uary 2, 1918 (No. II) 66 

49. Cable from Edgar G. Sisson to George Creel, January 3, 1918 . 67 

50. President Wilson's Address to Congress, January 8, 1918 . . 68 

51. Cable from Edgar G. Sisson to George Creel, January 13, 1918 . 74 

52. Protest of the Diplomatic Corps in Petrograd regarding the 

Arrest of the Rumanian Minister in Petrograd, January 14, 
1918 75 



CONTENTS ix 

DOCUMENT PAGE 

53. Resolution Adopted by Constituent Assembly, January 18, 1918 . 75 

54. Cable from Colonel Robins to Colonel William Boyce Thompson, 

January 23, 1918 76 

55. Text of Decree repudiating Russia's Debts, February 8, 1918 77 

56. Protest by the Diplomatic Corps in Russia against the Repudia- 

tion of State Debts .78 

57. Cable from Colonel Robins to Colonel William B. Thompson, 

February 15, 1918 79 

58. Telegram from Colonel Robins to Lenin and Lenin's Reply, 

February 28, 1918 80 

59. Note from the Soviet Government, given by Trotsky to Colonel 

Robins for transmission to the American Government, March 5, 
1918 81 

60. Cable from R. H. Bruce Lockhart to the British Foreign Office, 

March 5, 1918 82 

61. Cable from the American Ambassador to the State Department, 

March 9, 1918 (I) 84 

62. Cable from the American Ambassador to the State Department, 

March 9, 1918 (II) 85 

63. Telegram from Colonel Robins to Trotsky, March 9, 1918 . . 86 

64. Telegram from Tchicherin to Colonel Robins, received March 9, 

1918 87 

65. Cable sent by President Wilson to the All-Russian Congress of 

Soviets at Moscow, March 14-16, 1918 87 

66. Cable sent by Samuel Gompers, President of the American Fed- 

eration of Labor, to the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, March 
14-16, 1918 88 

67. Resolution adopted by the All-Russian Congress of Soviets in re- 

ply to President Wilson, March 14-16, 1918 89 

68. Speech by Mr. Balfour, British Secretary of State for Foreign 

Affairs, in Parliament, March 14, 1918 89 

69. Statement by the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of the 

Entente, March 19, 1918 92 

70. Interview with Mr. Francis, the American Ambassador, March 15, 

1918 94 

71. Certificate given by the American Ambassador to Colonel Robins, 

March 10, 1918 95 

72. Correspondence between the American Ambassador, David R. 

Francis, and Colonel Robins, March 11 -May 14, 1918 . . . 96 

73. Paraphrase of Cipher Message received from Mr. MacGowan at 

Irkutsk by Ambassador Francis, March 15, 1918 . . . 164 

74. Armed War Prisoner Investigation Siberia: Record of Captain 

Webster's and Captain Hick's Special Mission .... 165 

75. Report of English and American Officers in regard to arming of 

Prisoners of W^ar in Siberia, April 26, 1918 177 

76. Communication from Tchicherin to Colonel Robins with Two 

Enclosures, March 21, 1918 186 

77. Cable from Colonel Robins to Henry P. Davison, March 26, 1918 188 

78. Statement given by Soviet Government to Colonel Robins, regard- 

ing Red Cross Activities in Russia 188 

79. Telegram from Henry P. Davison to Colonel Robins, sent through 

the American Ambassador in Paris, April 4, 1918 .189 

80. Telegram from Colonel Robins to Henry P. Davison, April 5, 1918 189 

81. Address by President Wilson at Baltimore, April 6, 1918 . . 190 

82. Soviet Government Statement regarding the Attack on Russia 

from the East 194 

83. Statement by Ambassador Francis, April 16, 1918 . . .196 



X CONTENTS 

DOCUMENT PAGE 

84. Cable from Henry P. Davison to Colonel Robins sent through the 

American Ambassador in Paris 196 

85. Letter from Tehicherin to Colonel Robins with Enclosure, April 

25, 1918 197 

86. Cable from Colonel Robins to Henry P. Davison, April 25, 1918 202 

87. Cable from Henry P. Davison to Colonel Robins, sent through the 

American Ambassador in Paris 202 

88. Letter from R. H. Bruce Lockhart to Colonel Robins, May 5, 1918 202 

89. Cable from the Secretary of State to Colonel Robins, May 9, 1918 203 

90. Cable from Colonel Robins to Henry P. Davison, May 9, 1918 204 

91. Plan for Russian- American Commercial Relations, sent by Lenin 

to Colonel Robins, May 14, 1918 204 

92. Report presented by Colonel Raymond Robins to the Secretary 

of State, July 1, 1918 212 

93. Statement by Ambassador Francis, given out by the Committee 

on Public Information, May 31, 1918 219 

94. Statement cabled by Mr. Lansing to Ambassador Francis, and 

given out by the Committee on Public Information, May 31, 
1918 221 

95. Statement by the American Ambassador — supplied to the Press 

by the Committee on Public Information, June 1, 1918 . . 223 

96. Note from the Soviet Government regarding the Czechoslovaks, 

June 13, 1918 224 

97. Note handed by Tehicherin to R. H. Bruce Lockhart, British Rep- 

resentative, June 28, 1918 226 

98. Note sent by Tehicherin to R. H. Bruce Lockhart, June 30, 

1918 227 

99. Protest by Tehicherin against the Movement of British Troops 229 

100. Note from Tehicherin to the United States 229 

101. Statement by the Allied Consuls 230 

102. Message sent to Tehicherin by Ambassador Francis, July 25, 

1918 231 

103. Agreement between the Allies and the Murmansk Soviet, con- 

cluded July 17, 1918 232 

104. Statement issued by the Czechoslovak National Council at Wash- 

ington, July 27, 1918 235 

105. Official Announcement issued at Washington, August 3, 1918 . 237 

106. Declaration by the Japanese Government, August 3, 1918 . . 239 

107. Statement issued by the Russian Embassy at Washington, Aug- 

ust 5, 1918 241 

108. Proclamation by the Provisional Government of the Country of 

the North, August 7, 1918 242 

109. Declaration of the British Government to the Peoples of Russia, 

August 8, 1918 243 

110. Address by Ambassador Francis to the Russian People, August 9, 

1918 244 

111. Note from Tehicherin to Dewitt C. Poole, Jr., American Consul, 

August 6, 1918 246 

112. Note from Tehicherin regarding the Departure from Russia of 

French and British, August 20, 1918 248 

113. Statement by Trotsky, August 23, 1918 249 

114. Resolution adopted at a Meeting of the All-Russian Central 

Executive Committee on September 2, 1918 250 

115. Official Statement by Soviet Government 252 

116. Statement by Tehicherin, September 7, 1918 253 

117. Note from the British Foreign Secretary to Tehicherin, Septem- 

ber 6, 1918 255 



CONTENTS xi ! 

DOCUMRNT PAGE 1 

118. Note from American Government to all the Associated and l 

Neutral Governments, September 21, 1918 256 i 

119. Appeal by the All-Russian Provisional Government to President I 

Wilson, November 7, 1918 257 

120. Letter from the Russian Soviet Government to President Wilson, ^ 

dated October 24, 1918 258 j 

121. Statement by Tchicherin to Provisional Czechoslovak Govern- J 

ment, November 1, 1918 267 i 

122. Protest by Tchicherin against intervention, sent out by Wireless, 

December 2, 1918 268 

123. Appeal by Litvinov to President Wilson, December 24, 1918 . 270 

124. Statement by M. Pichon, French Minister of Foreign Aifairs, in 

the Chamber of Deputies, December 29, 1918 . . . . 273 

125. Letter from Litvinov and Vorovsky to Dr. Ludwig Meyer of 

Christiania : Semi-Official Statement with regard to Peace, Jan- 
uary 10, 1919 274 

126. Documents referring to the plan for Allied Supervision of the 

Chinese Eastern and Trans-Siberian Railways .... 276 

127. Reply by French Foreign Minister to the British Government's 

Suggestion with regard to Russia, January 5, 1919 . . . 280 

128. Note from Tchicherin to the American State Department, Jan- j 

uary 12, 1919 282 1 

129. Notes on Conversations held in the Office of M. Pichon at the \ 

Quai D'Orsay, on January 16, 1919: preliminary discussion 

regarding the Situation in Russia 284 ■ 

130. Secretaries' Notes of a Conversation held in M. Pichon's Room 

at the Quai d'Orsay on Tuesday, January 21, 1919, regarding ; 

Situation in Russia 289 i 

131. President Wilson's Prinkipo Proposal at the Meeting of the < 

Peace Conference, January 22, 1919 297 \ 

132. Note from the Soviet Government in reply to Prinkipo Invita- ; 

tion, February 4, 1919 298 i 

133. Replies of Non-Bolshevik Russian Governments to Prinkipo In- 

vitation 303 i 

134. Announcement of recognition of Poland by State Department, i 

January 29, 1919 306 ! 

135. ' Note from the Russian Soviet Government to Italy, February 14, * 

1919 306 

136. Text of Projected Peace Proposal prepared by Representatives ! 

of the Soviet Government, March 14, 1919 317 

137. Translation of Credentials sent by L. C, A. K. Martens to the 

State Department, March 19, 1919 320 ; 

138. Memorandum sent to the State Department by L. C. A. K. 

Martens, March 19, 1919 321 

139. Letter from Dr. Nansen to President Wilson, April 3, 1919 . 329 j 

140. Reply of President Wilson, Premiers Clemenceau, Lloyd-George, 

and Orlando to Dr. Nansen, April 17, 1919 330 

141. The Soviet Government's Reply to the Nansen Offer . . . 332 

142. Statement by Secretary Lansing conveying recognition of Fin- 

land, May 7, 1919 336 

143. Note from the Supreme Council to Admiral Kolchak, May 26, 

1919 337 

144. Admiral Kolchak's Reply to the Supreme Council, June 4, 1919 340 

145. Acknowledgment by Supreme Council of Admiral Kolchak's Re- 

ply, June 12, 1919 343 

146. Reply of President Wilson to a Senate Resolution concerning 

the American troops in Siberia, June 26, 1919 . . . . 343 



xii CONTENTS ] 

DOCUMENT PAGE i 

147. Protest from Russian Soviet Government to the State Depart- 

ment, received through Swedish Channels, June 24, 1919 . . 346 ' 

148. Reply to Russian Protest cabled by Mr. Phillips, Assistant Sec- I 

retary of State, to American Legation at Stockholm, July 1, ' 

1919 347 

149. Letter from Secretary Lansing to the Lithuanian National Coun- \ 

cil, on the Question of Recognition, October 15, 1919 . . . 348 * 

150. Note from the Allies to the German Government, inviting Ger- * 

many to participate in the Blockade of Bolshevik Russia . 349 " 

151. Reply by Mr. Phillips, Assistant Secretary of State, to Senator \ 

Wadsworth, November 4, 1919 351 ' 

152. Resolution of Congress of Soviets, December 5, 1919 . . . 353 i 

153. Letter from Secretary Lansing to the Lithuanian Executive j 

Committee, January 7, 1920 354 j 

154. Statement by the Secretary of State regarding the Withdrawal t 

of American Military Forces from Siberia, January 16, 1920 . 355 j 

155. Announcement by the Supreme Council on Trade with Russia, \ 

January 16, 1920 358 j 

156. Supreme Council's Note to the Representatives of the Russian 

Central Cooperative Union regarding the Partial Lifting of the j 

Blockade, January 26, 1920 359 i| 

157. Authorization given by the Soviet Government to the Central 1 

Union of Russian Cooperatives to trade with Foreign Coun- 
tries, February 2, 1920 360 \ 

158. Statement by the Supreme Council, February 24, 1920 . . 361 ; 

] 

Index 363 , 



INTRODUCTION 

The documents and papers contained fti this volume cover 
three years. They begin wtih the first declaration issued by 
the Provisional Government of Russia after the revolution on 
March 16, 1917, and end with the statement made by the su- 
preme Council at Paris on February 24, 1920. While they by 
no means constitute in themselves complete materials for the 
history of the relations between the United States and Russia 
during the three years, they suggest and illustrate many salient 
facts of that history. In a lesser degree they throw light on 
the relations between Russia and the Allies over the same period, 
although documents referring especially to the Allies have been 
included only when they supply some essential element in the 
background or have a real, if indirect, bearing on some aspect 
of American policy. 

For the purpose of this short analysis we may find it con- 
venient to divide the documents into five groups on a chrono- 
logical basis: (1) from the revolution in March, 1917, to the 
revolution in November; (2) from the Bolshevik revolution to 
the peace of Brest-Litovsk in March, 1918; (3) from Brest- 
Litovsk to definitive intervention by the Allies and the United 
States in the summer of 1918; (4) from intervention to the dis- 
cussions on Russia in the Peace Conference in January, 1919; 
(5) from Prinkipo to the announcement of a new Russian 
policy by the Supreme Council in February, 1920, with which 
the record comes to a close. These divisions are arbitrary, but 
useful as points of departure. The periods thus indicated are 
each signalized by an historic event of the first importance from 
which many of the documents derive. Moreover, they roughly 
correspond with successive stages in Russia's foreign relations, 
viewed, in particular, from the standpoint of the United States. 

I. 

The first period opens with the revolution in March, 1917, 
welcomed abroad as adding strength to the Alliance against 

xiii 



K^'.mt.M.V' 



xiv INTRODUCTION 

the Central Powers by the inclusion of a new democracy. At 
the outset we have the proclamations of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment to the people.^ On March 18, the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, M. Miliukov, sends a Note to Russian diplomats, de- 
fining Russia's future foreign policy in terms of loyal adherence 
to the pact with the Allies and the continuance of the struggle 
*' without cessation and without f altering. '' ^ 

On March 27 the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Sol- 
diers' Deputies issues its proclamation to **the peoples of the 
world, ' ' ^ thereby revealing for the first time the portentous 
new force behind the revolution and the existence of internal 
conflict. The foreign policy of the Soviet is developed along 
two lines. On the one hand, the Soviet strives to impress its 
view of the immediate urgency of a general democratic peace 
upon successive Provisional Governments; on the other, it ap- 
peals over the heads of all Governments to the peoples. 

The successful pursuance of the first aim is reflected in the 
pronouncement by the Government on April 9 for a peace with- 
out annexations and indemnities, on the basis of self-determina- 
tion of peoples,* and in the reaffirmation of the statement after 
the decisive victory won by the Soviet over the old diplomacy 
as represented by Miliukov.^ On May 18, the Second Provi- 
sional Government, reorganized and broadened by the inclusion 
of six Socialist members, once more affirms the famous formula 
and announces its intention of effecting an understanding with 
the Allies on that basis.^ Meanwhile, the Soviet pursues its 
second line of advance by its appeal to *Hhe Socialists of the 
world" (including those of the enemy countries) on May 15,^ 
and its call for an international Socialist congress at Stockholm 
sent out on June 2.^ 

Contacts with the United States during this period take 
various forms. The dominant note is one of confidence, although 
a qualified confidence in some instances. On March 22, the new 
Government is given official recognition through Mr. Francis, 
the American Ambassador in Petrograd.^ Mr. Gompers, Presi- 
dent of the American Federation of Labor, sends a long cable 
to the Petrograd Soviet on May 7, declaring that the views 
of American and Russian workers on the ends of the war are 

1 Documents 1 and 3. « Document 12. 

2 Document 2, 7 Document 11. 
8 Document 5. ^ Document 13. 

4 Document 6, ^ Document 4. 

5 Documents 7, 8. 



INTRODUCTION xv 

fundamentally the same.^ The visit of the American Mission 
to Russia, headed by Mr. Root, provides the occasion for two 
notes, one signed by President Wilson, the other by Mr. Lansing, 
published on June 10 and June 19 respectively,^ expressing the 
goodwill and friendship of the American people and explaining 
America's war aims. On June 15, Mr. Root addresses the Pro- 
visional Government ; ^ on July 10, while still in Russia, he issues 
a statement to the Press, referring to the success of the Mission 
and promising American help ; * on August 12, after his return 
home, he delivers a speech in New York on eulogistic and hope- 
ful lines."^ The new Ambassador from Russia, appointed by the 
Provisional Government, is welcomed by President Wilson on 
July 5.® In August President Wilson sends a message of en- 
couragement to the National Conference in Moscow.'^ 

In Russia the situation grows increasingly more complicated 
and threatening. In June Tereshchenko, the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, sends a Note to the Allies suggesting a con- 
ference for the revision of war aims,^ and this suggestion fre- 
quently reappears. Throughout the summer and autumn trou- 
bles accumulate for the Government: the failure of the offen- 
sive, disorders in Petrograd, the fall of Riga, the Kornilov 
revolt. The note of anxiety and strain deepens.'^ The declara- 
tion issued on October 8 by the last Government under Kerensky 
represents the final effort to cope with insuperable difficulties.^^ 
It looks for hope to two things : the creation of the Constituent 
Assembly and revision of war aims in concert with the Allies. 
On November 1 Kerensky gives his famous interview to the 
Associated Press, with its reiteration of the fact that Russia 
is ''worn out."^^ In spite of its guarded terms, in spite of 
official denials of implications which lie plain upon the surface, 
this interview gives clear warning of the crisis which is close 
at hand. 

II. 

The Bolshevik revolution is accomplished on November 6-7, 
1917. The second period opens with the Decree of Peace 
adopted unanimously at the All-Russian Convention of Soviets 

1 Document 10. 7 Document 22. 

2 Documents 14, 16. s Document 15. 
sDocxmient 17. 9 Document 20. 
■* Document 19. lo Document 23. 

5 Document 21. n Document 24. 

6 Document 18. 



BMaii 



xvi INTRODUCTION 

on November 8, proposing immediate negotiations for a peace 
without annexations and without indemnities and announcing 
the Government's intention to publish all secret treaties.^ The 
Government's proposals for an armistice and peace negotiations 
are formally communicated by Trotsky, the People's Commis- 
sary of Foreign Affairs, to the Ambassadors of the Allies and 
the United States on November 22.- The following day a com- 
munication on the subject is addressed to the representatives of 
neutral countries, requesting their aid.^ The Spanish Ambas- 
sador sends a sympathetic reply.* 

A series of protests follow from the military and diplomatic 
representatives of the Allies against the action of the Soviet 
Government.^ On November 27 an American military repre- 
sentative addresses a protest against any separate armistice to 
General Dukhonin.® He is informed in a caustic reply by 
Trotsky that General Dukhonin has been removed by the Gov- 
ernment from the position of Commander-in-Chief.^ 

On November 28 Trotsky sends a Note to the representatives 
of the Allies, announcing the acceptance by the German Su- 
preme Command of proposals for negotiations, and again in- 
viting participation.^ Armistice negotiations between Russia 
and the Central Powers begin on December 3. In a Note on 
December 6 Trotsky outlines the course negotiations have taken 
and announces their suspension for a week in order that the 
other belligerents may define their attitude.® Peace negotia- 
tions follow. On December 29 Trotsky announces a further 
suspension for an interval of ten days and passionately appeals 
to the peoples and Governments of the Allies to come m.^° 

A certain impression of confusion is given by the record of 
Russian-American relations during this period. But the first 
phase of bewildered readjustment is succeeded by one in which 
the note of hopefulness and sympathy still predominates. On 
November 25 General Judson, Chief of the American Military 
Mission in Russia sends a letter to the Chief of the Russian 
General Staff, with regard to the probable attitude of his Gov- 
ernment towards the question of the continued shipment of 
American supplies to Russia." Two days later, Colonel William 
Boyce Thompson, commanding the American Red Cross Mission, 

1 Document 25. 7 Document 38. 

2 Document 26. s Document 34. 
8 Document 27. « Document 40. 
4 Document 28 lo Document 46. 
B Documents 32, 33, 35, 36. " Document 29. 
e Document 37. 



INTRODUCTION xvii 

gives a statement to the Press bearing on this point in so far as 
it affects the Red Cross.^ On November 28 General Judson 
writes again to the Chief of the Russian General Staff, refer- 
ring to American sympathy for the Russian people and express- 
ing the opinion that Russia is within her rights in bringing up 
the question of a general peace.^ On December 2, the Izvestia 
(now the official organ of the Soviet Government) gives an 
account of a friendly discussion between General Judson and 
Trotsky on the question of the negotiations, in which the former 
is quoted as saying: *'The time of protest and threats ad- 
dressed to the Soviet Government has passed, if that time 
ever existed. ' ' ^ 

Early in December Colonel Rajnnond Robins succeeds 
Colonel Thompson in command of the American Red Cross 
Mission in Russia. On December 27 a cable goes from him to 
Mr. Davison, Director General of the Red Cross, then in Wash- 
ington, asking him to urge upon the President the necessity for 
continued intercourse with the Bolshevik Government.* The 
cable is sent through the American Ambassador who approves 
its terms. Mr. Davison in his reply on January 6 reports the 
approval of the State Department.^ On January 2 two docu- 
ments are given by Mr. Francis to Colonel Robins for use in 
the event of certain contingencies.^ 

Cabling Mr. Thompson in New York in January 23, Colonel 
Robins urges the ^* prompt recognition of Bolshevik authority" 
and the immediate establishment of a ** modus vivendi making 
possible generous and sympathetic co-operation."^ This view, 
he says, is approved by Mr. Sisson, then in Russia at the head 
of the Committee on Public Information. In a cable to Mr. 
Thompson on February 15, after the rupture of negotiations 
at Brest-Litovsk, Colonel Robins emphasizes the danger of Ger- 
man commercial aggression and the immense importance of 
developing by every means commercial relations between the 
United States and Russia.^ 

Three cables from Mr. Sisson in Petrograd to Mr. Creel in 
Washington, dated December 18, 1917, and January 3 and 13, 
1918, illustrate the &etavlties of the Committee on Public In- 
formation during this period and its relations with the Soviet 

1 Document 30. b Document 45. 

2 Document 31. e Documents 47, 48. 

3 Document 39. 7 Document 54. 
^ Document 44. 8 Document 57. 



xviii INTRODUCTION 

Government.^ President Wilson's address to Congress on 
January 8 ^ with its reference to the treatment of Russia by 
her sister nations as ''the acid test'' is given wide publicity. 

Other documents are concerned with the Government's re- 
pudiation of Russia 's debts ^ and the episode of the arrest of 
the Rumanian Minister.* The peace resolution, hastily passed 
by the frustrate Constituent Assembly on January 18, 1918, 
employs the old phrasing in calling on the Allies to define their 
terms and join in working for an immediate, general, demo- 
cratic peace, but it also expresses readiness to carry forward 
the negotiations with the enemy which have been begun.** 

III. 

The third period is the period of rapprochement, although 
the strength of the forces working in the opposite direction is 
clearly apparent from the documents. The Soviet Government 
has not been recognized by the United States, but friendly 
relations are maintained through semi-official channels. 

In this period we may include the group of documents re- 
lated to and immediately preceding the ratification of the Brest 
peace. Colonel Robins inquires of Lenin with regard to the 
signing of peace on February 28, telegraphing from Vologda 
to which place the American Embassy has just moved.^ Next 
we have the Note handed by Trotsky to Colonel Robins on 
March 5 for transmission to the American Government, asking 
what aid might be expected in the event of the refusal of ratifi- 
cation or the renewal of hostilities, and also what attitude would 
be taken by the Government of the United States in case of 
hostile Japanese action in Siberia.'' No reply to this Note is 
recorded. The same day Mr. Lockhart, British High Commis- 
sioner, cables the British Foreign Office, urging assistance and 
warning against Japanese intervention.^ Ambassador Francis 
on March 9 sends two cables to the State Department on similar 
lines,® and Colonel Robins informs Trotsky of the fact.^^ 
Tchicherin writes to Colonel Robins on March 9, expressing 
appreciation of the American Embassy's friendly attitude.^^j 

1 Documents 41, 49, 51. 7 Document 59. 

2 Document 50. s Document 60. 

3 Documents 55, 56. » Documents 61, 62. 
■* Document 52. lo Document 63. 

5 Document 53. n Document 64. 

6 Document 68. 



INTRODUCTION xix 

On March 12 the All-Russian Congress of Soviets meets at 
Moscow. President Wilson sends a cable expressing sympathy/ 
which is acknowledged in a resolution of the Congress.^ Mr. 
Gompers also sends a message.^ The peace is ratified. On 
March 19 a statement is issued by the Prime Ministers and 
Foreign Ministers of the Entente refusing to acknowledge the 
treaty.* About the same time an interview with Mr. Francis 
is published in which he declares that he will not leave Russia 
and that America must still be regarded as an ally of the Rus- 
sian people.^ 

Meanwhile, on March 10, Colonel Robins has gone to Moscow 
with a special certificate from the Ambassador.^ During the 
next two months a correspondence is carried on between the 
two, consisting of practically daily direct wire or ordinary tele- 
graphic communications.'^ This correspondence overlaps in 
point of time with most of the documents included in the period. 
It touches upon a great variety of subjects: the Brest peace and 
the attitude to be observed towards the Soviet Government; 
Japanese intervention; Trotsky's reorganization of the Russian 
Army with the co-operation of Allied officers; the American 
Railway Mission; the rumored German control commission in 
Petrograd; the investigation by Captain Hicks of the British 
Military Mission and Captain Webster of the American Red 
Cross into the armed war-prisoner rumor in Siberia ; the proposed 
purchase of platinum from the Soviet Government, etc., etc. 
Special attention may be directed to the State Department dis- 
patch — communicated by Mr. Francis to Colonel Robins in which 
the United States pronounces against Japanese intervention.^ 

Other documents relate to the Japanese question. Mr. 
Balfour discusses it in the House of Commons on March 14.^ 
On April 6 the landing of Japanese and British marines at 
Vladivostok is the occasion of an official statement by the Soviet 
Govemment.^° In a {statement on April 16, Mr. Francis declares 
that the incident is of purely local significance and in no sense 
the result of concerted action between the Allies.^^ On April 25 
Tchicherin writes to Colonel Robins alleging the implication of 
the American consular officer at Vladivostok in a counter- 

1 Document 65. 7 Document 72. 

2 Document 67. s Document 72, No. 4. 
8 Document 66. ^ Document 68. 

4 Document 69. lo Document 82. 

5 Document 70. " Document 83. 
« Document 71. 



XX INTRODUCTION 

revolutionary conspiracy, promoted by the newly-established 
Government of Autonomous Siberia.^ 

The story of the investigation (referred to above) made by 
an American and a British officer into the rumors of danger 
from armed prisoners of war in Siberia, is fully told in the 
series of telegrams recording the experiences and observations 
of the investigators^ and in the comprehensive report, dated 
April 26, in which they set forth their conclusions.^ 

The degree of co-operation existing at this time between the 
Soviet Government and at least some representatives of the 
Allies is also shown by such documents as the letter from Mr. 
Lockhart, dated May 5, in which he instances to Colonel Robins 
a number of specific ways in which Trotsky has shown his will- 
ingness to work with the Allies.* 

Several documents refer to the work of the Red Cross. A 
statement signed by Lenin and Tchicherin, dated March 29, 
emphasizes the importance attached to it by the Soviet Gov- 
ernment.^ In a series of telegrams Mr. Davison and Colonel 
Robins discuss the question of the continuance of the work, as 
well as other points of general policy.^ A cable from Mr. 
Lansing, dated May 9,^ suggests that Colonel Robins come home 
for consultation and the latter leaves Russia about the middle 
of May. 

Colonel Robins takes with him a plan for Russian- American 
commercial relations sent him by Lenin on May 14.^ After his 
return home he presents his own proposals for economic co- 
operation which he has stressed so emphatically throughout, in 
a report to the Secretary of State, dated July 1.^ 

IV. 

No sharp line of demarkation separates the third from the 
fourth period on the face of these documents. Non-intervention 
seems to fade into intervention. Rapprochement is gradually 
transformed into alienation and hostility. In Russia, the Com- 
mittee on Public Information issues on the last day of May a 
statement by the American Ambassador and one by Mr. Lansing, 
asserting that the American policy is one of friendship, non- 

1 Document 85. e Documents 77, 79, 80, 84, 86, 87, 90. 

2 Document 74. 7 Document 89. 
8 Document 75. s Document 91. 
4 Document 88. ©Document 92. 
6 Document 78. 



INTRODUCTION xxi 

intervention in Russia's internal affairs, and complete aloofness 
to the appeals for help from groups opposed to the Soviet Gov- 
ernment.^ Another statement by Mr. Francis on June 1 
reiterates these points.^ 

Towards the end of May hostilities have begun between 
the Czechoslovak troops and the Soviet forces. On June 13 
Tchicherin sends a Note to the British High Commissioner and 
the French, American, and Italian Consuls General giving his 
version of the facts of the conflict and protesting against the 
protecting attitude which he alleges has been assumed towards 
Czechoslovak aggression.^ 

Later in the month the Allied landing at Murmansk takes 
place, the forces landed including a small number of American 
marines. A series of protests follow from the Soviet Govern- 
ment, addressed to the representatives of the Allies, deep- 
ening in bitterness with the advance of the Allied troops.* On 
July 12 Tchicherin appeals to the Consul General of the United 
States in the name of that American friendship which is "so 
highly valued.''^ On July 17 an agreeemnt is concluded be- 
tween the Allies and the Murman Regional Soviet.® 

During the month the difficulties of the Soviet Government 
multiply. On July 25 the increasing tension of the situation 
results in the departure of the Allied Embassies from Vologda 
to Archangel. Mr. Francis sends a statement to Tchicherin, 
explaining the reasons for the step.'' The American Consul 
General, Mr. Poole, announces the intention of himself and his 
fellow Consuls to remain in Moscow.® ..^ 

In Washington the Czechoslovak National Council issues a 
statement on July 27.® This refers to the great military suc- 
cesses achieved by the Czechoslovak forces, mentions their lack 
of desire to "play policemen'^ in Russia, and dwells on their 
complete subordination to the orders of the Supreme War 
Council of the Allies. 

On August 3 an official announcement is made of the policy 
of the American Government.^" It pronounces against "such 
military intervention as has been most frequently proposed *' 
and declares military action to be "admissible in Russia now 
only to render such protection and help as is possible to the 

1 Documents 93, 94. 6 Document 103. 

2 Document 95. 7 Document 102. 

3 Document 96. 8 Document 101. 
4Docimient8 97, 98, 99. » Docimient 104. 
5 Document 100. lo Document 105. 



xxii INTRODUCTION 

Czechoslovaks against the armed Austrian and German pris- 
oners who are attacking them, and to steady any efforts at self- 
government or self-defense in which the Russians themselves 
may be willing to accept assistance." To these ends, it states, 
the Government of the United States has proposed to the Gov- 
ernment of Japan that each should send a force of a few thou- 
sand men to Vladivostok. The statement issued simultaneously 
by the Japanese Government is entirely concerned with the dan- 
gerous situation of the Czechoslovaks.^ 

On August 5 the Russian Embassy in Washington (still 
representing the Provisional Government which fell in Novem- 
ber, 1917) issues a statement with regard to the groups which 
have revealed themselves in Siberia as the result of the *' liber- 
ating" activities of the Czechoslovak forces and the disappear- 
ance of Soviets in their train — in particular, the ^'Temporary 
Government of Siberia."^ 

An uprising in Archangel on August 3 results in the over- 
throw of the Soviet. On August 7 a statement is issued by the 
Provisional Government of the Country of the North, organized 
under the protection of the Allies.^ British representatives at 
Vladivostok, Murmansk, and Archangel on August 8 publish a 
declaration to the ** Peoples of Russia" that the invaders 
come as friends to assist in the struggle against Germany.* 
Tchicherin on August 6 sends an appeal to Mr. Poole against 
the action of the Allies.^ On August 9, Mr. Francis, in the 
name of the Diplomatic Corps, issues an address to the Russian 
people, disclaiming all intention of interfering in Russia's 
internal affairs, but declaring against recognition of any Gov- 
ernment ** which has not a national character, which disregards 
Russia's solemn bonds of alliance and which observes the Brest- 
Litovsk Treaty.^ 

A number of documents in this period reflect different as- 
pects of the strained relations now existing between the Soviet 
Government and the Allies; the internment of French and 
British citizens and the conditions of their exchange ; ^ the 
attack on the British Embassy;^ the Soviet Government's 
charge of an Anglo-French conspiracy.^ On August 23 Trotsky 
makes an indignant reply to the reference to the attacks by 
armed prisoners of war in the American statement of August 3.^^ 

1 Document 106, « Document 110. 

2 Document 107. 7 Document 112. 
•'$ Document 108. 8 Document 117. 

4 Document 109. o Documents 115, 116. 

Document 111. lo Document 113. 



INTRODUCTION xxiii 

The attack on Lenin's life is followed by a resolution adopted 
by the All-Russian Central Executive Conunittee on Septem- 
ber 2, declaring for "mass terror" against counter-revolu- 
tionists.^ The Government of the United States sends a Note on 
September 21 to all the associated and neutral Governments, 
asking them to protest against 'Hhe indiscriminate slaughter" 
of Russian citizens.^ 

Early in November the recently-established All-Russian Pro- 
visional Government at Omsk appeals for aid to President 
Wilson.^ This moderate Socialist Government is overthrown by 
a coup d'etat on November 18-19 and Admiral Kolchak is pro- 
claimed Supreme Ruler. 

Shortly before the armistice we find the first of a long series 
of appeals for peace addressed by the Soviet Government to 
the United States and the Allies — individually or collectively. 
On October 24 a long argumentative letter is sent by Tchicherin 
to President Wilson.* On December 2 a combined protest and 
peace proposal is sent out to Great Britain, France, Italy, and 
the United States.^ On December 24 Litvinov from Stockholm 
sends a reasoned statement to President Wilson.* A semi- 
official approach is made on January 10, 1919, through a letter 
signed by Litvinov and Vorovsky to Dr. Meyer of Christiania, 
containing certain definite conditions which the Soviet Govern- 
ment would observe, including the abstention from propaganda 
in Allied countries."^ On January 12 a statement by Tchicherin, 
dealing especially with the grounds advanced for the sending 
of American troops to Russia, is addressed to the State Depart- 
ment.® A Note to Italy, dated February 14, very fully reviews 
the whole situation up to that date, from the point of view of 
the Soviet Government.® On December 5, 1919, the Seventh 
Congress of Soviets in a resolution refers to earlier appeals and 
**once more confirms its unchanging desire for peace" by re- 
newing the proposal for negotiations.^^ 

V. 

With the consideration of the Russian situation in the Peace 
Conference in January, 1919, begins what we roughly marked 

1 Document 114. e Document 123. 

2 Docimient 118. 7 Document 125. 

3 Document 119. s Document 128. 

4 Document 120. » Document 135. 

5 Document 122. lo Document 152. 



xxiv INTRODUCTION 

off as the fifth period — the period of groping. In the search 
for a Russian policy by the Associated Powers, one plan after 
another is tried and discarded. 

On December 29, 1918, M. Pichon restates as the inter- 
Allied plan of action the policy of economic encirclement of 
the Bolsheviks, enunciated by M. Clemenceau earlier in the 
month.^ On January 11, 1919, his wholly unfavorable reply to 
a British proposal for re-establishing peace in Russia is pub- 
lished.^ The whole Russian situation is discussed at a meeting 
of the Peace Conference on January 16.^ Mr. Lloyd George 
explains his proposal, which he declares has been misunderstood 
by the French Government, gives his reasons for desiring to 
hear the views of all the Russian groups, and is supported by 
President Wilson. On January 21 the discussion is resumed.* 
President Wilson suggests a modification of the British pro- 
posal, viz., that the various Russian groups should be invited, 
on the condition of the cessation of hostilities, to send repre- 
sentatives to some place to be appointed (other than Paris) 
there to confer with representatives of the Associated Powers. 
This plan is agreed upon. 

On January 22 President Wilson's proposal is announced 
in the definite form of an invitation to "every organized group 
that is now exercising or attempting to exercise political 
authority or military controP' in Siberia or European Russia 
to send representatives to the Princes' Islands in the Sea of 
Marmora by February 15, a truce of arms to be operative mean- 
while.^ The reply of the Soviet Government, dated February 4, 
is in form an acceptance of the invitation, which, it states, it 
has learned of only through a radio review of the Press.^ It 
expresses great anxiety for peace and suggests possible offers, 
to the Allies in respect of assuming obligations for Russian, 
loans, the guaranteeing of interest by raw materials, conces- 
sions in natural resources, and even territorial concessions. The 
question of a truce is not specifically mentioned. The Lettish 
and Esthonian Governments accept the invitation to the Princes' 
Islands, although postulating their complete independence of 
Russia. The Siberian, Archangel, and South Russian Govern- 
ments categorically refuse to meet in any conference with the 
Bolsheviks.'^ The proposal falls to the ground. 

1 Document 124. s Document 131. 

2 Document 127. 6 Document 132. 

3 Document 129. 7 Document 133. 
* Document 130. 



INTRODUCTION xxv 

On February 22 Mr. Bullitt is sent to Russia by the 
American Commission to negotiate peace, arriving in Petro- 
grad on March 8. Definite peace proposals are drafted by rep- 
resentatives of the Soviet Government and given to him for 
transmission to Paris.^ No action is taken on them. 

On April 3 Dr. Nansen writes to President Wilson and to 
Messrs. Clemenceau, Orlando, and Lloyd George, suggesting 
that a purely humanitarian and non-political commission of 
neutrals should be organized for the provisioning of Russia in 
view of the grave distress there.^ President Wilson and the 
three Premiers reply on April 17, approving the suggestion 
and promising co-operation, but asserting that such a course 
must involve the complete cessation of hostilities in Russia, as 
relief without a state of peace would be futile.^ Tchicherin, in 
a letter to Dr. Nansen dated May 7, expresses cordial apprecia- 
tion of his proposal and would welcome it on a purely humani- 
tarian basis, but states emphatically that the Soviet Govern- 
^ment, in view of the constant subsidizing of its internal enemies 
by the Entente, could consider the question of the cessation of 
hostilities only in connection with the whole problem of its rela- 
tions with the Associated Powers.* 

Meanwhile, the Soviet Government has appointed Mr. 
Martens as its representative in the United States and on 
March 19 he presents his credentials to the State Department,^ 
together with a long statement reviewing the situation, and 
dealing in particular with the commercial facilities his Govern- 
ment is prepared to offer in the event of the resumption of 
trade.^ Tchicherin protests to the State Department on June 24 
with regard to the treatment accorded to him, comparing it 
very unfavorably with that given to American representatives 
in Russia.^ On July 1 the State Department replies with 
counter-recriminations.^ 

Early in February, 1919, following negotiations between the 
American and Japanese Governments, the United States for- 
mally accepts a plan for the supervision of the Chinese Eastern 
and Trans-Siberian railways by an inter-allied committee. It 
is agreed that the technical operation of the railways shall be 
in the hands of Mr. John F. Stevens.® 

1 Document 136. 6 Document 138. 

2 Document 139. 7 Document 147. 

3 Document 140. s Document 148. * 
•4 Document 141. s Document 126. 

5 Document 137. 



xxvi INTRODUCTION 

The Supreme Council at Paris sends a Note to Admiral 
Kolchak on May 26, stating that they are disposed to assist him 
and his associates to establish themselves as the Government of 
all Russia, on the acceptance of certain specified conditions, of 
which the first is the summoning of a Constituent Assembly, 
and requesting a reply as to his future policy.^ Admiral Kol- 
chak 's reply, containing assurances on the points raised by the 
Supreme Council, is received on June 5.^ On June 13 the 
Supreme Council sends an acknowledgment, declaring that the 
terms of the reply seem to be **in substantial agreement'' with 
the conditions proposed and expressing willingness to extend 
support.^ 

In the United States increasing agitation with regard to the 
continued presence of American troops in Siberia results in a 
Senate resolution on June 23, asking for full information. 
Pl*esident Wilson sends a long message in reply on June 25.* 
This points out that one of the conditions attached to the ac- 
ceptance of the Siberian Railway plan was that adequate pro- 
tection should be afforded, aisserts that the duties of the Ameri- 
can troops are solely confined to participation in that task, and 
emphasizes the dependence of the people of Siberia and the 
forces of Admiral Kolchak on the railways for necessary sup- 
plies. 

The attitude of the State Department towards the future 
status of nationalities formerly comprised within the Russian 
Empire (other than Poland and Finland, recognized respec- 
tively on January 29 and May 7, 1919)** is indicated by a 
letter from Mr. Lansing to the Lithuanian National Council on 
October 15, in reply to communications asking for provisional 
recognition.® This is refused on the ground that, while the 
outcome of Admiral Kolchak 's efforts to establish ** orderly, 
constitutional government'' in Russia is still uncertain, it is 
undesirable to prejudice in advance **the principle of Russian 
unity." This position is reaffirmed in a further letter on Janu- 
ary 7, 1920, in which the State Department declines to recog- 
nize the Committee which has been appointed by the Lithuanian 
Provisional Government as its diplomatic agent in the United 
States, as possessing any diplomatic character."^ 

1 Document 143. c Documents 134, 142. 

2 Document 144. « Document 149. 

3 Document 145. 7 Document 153. 
•* Document 146. 



INTRODUCTION xxvii 

During the autumn the neutral Powers and Germany are 
asked by the Supreme Council to enter into an agreement to 
prevent their nationals from engaging in any commercial inter- 
course with Soviet Russia.^ Mr. Phillips, the Acting Secretary 
of State, in a letter to Senator Wadsworth dated November 4, 
defends the policy of non-intercourse on two grounds : the ' ' de- 
clared purpose" of the Bolsheviks ''to carry revolution through- 
out the world''; and the control exercised by the Soviet Govern- 
ment, which prevents any commercial dealings except with the 
Bolshevik authorities.^ 

The last months of 1919 are filled with military events which 
the documents do not record, the tide flowing strongly in favor 
of the Soviet forces. On January 16, 1920, a Note from the 
United'States to Japan, in reply to an inquiry from the Japa- 
nese Government on December 8, is made public.^ This an- 
nounces that, in consideration of the unfavorable development 
of the military situation in Siberia and also the fact that the 
main purposes for which American troops were sent are now at 
an end, all American military forces will be at once withdrawn, 
their withdrawal being accompanied by that of the American 
railway experts assisting in the operation of the Trans-Siberian 
and Chinese Eastern Railways. 

The Supreme Council at Paris on the same day announces 
its decision to permit trade relations between the Russian peo- 
ple and AUied and neutral countries, through the medium of 
the Russian co-operative organizations — these arrangements im- 
plying "no change in the policies of the Allied Governments 
towards the Soviet Government."* The terms of the proposal 
to the Russian Central Co-operative Union are published on 
January 26 ^ and the authorization to trade given the Union 
by the Soviet Government on February 2.^ 

On February 26, 1920, the Supreme Council issues a state- 
ment on Russian policy to this effect: the Allies cannot advise 
the communities bordering on Soviet Russia to continue to make 
war; they cannot enter into relations with the Soviet Govern- 
ment until convinced it is ready '*to conform its methods and 
diplomatic conduct to those of all civilized Governments ; ' ' they 
consider commerce between Russia and the rest of Europe as 
essential; they regard it as ''highly desirable to obtain impartial 

1 Document 150. * Document 155. 

2 Document 151. 5 Document 156. 

3 Document 154. 6 Document 157. 



xxviii INTRODUCTION 

and authoritative information" and recommend that a commis- 
sion of investigation be sent to Russia by the Council of the 
League of Nations to find out the facts.^ 

C. K. C. 

1 Document 158. 



RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

March, 1917— March, 1920 

Statement by the Provisional Government of Russia, 
March i6, 1917/ 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 7.) 

Citizens : 

The Executive Committee of the Duma, with the aid and 
support of the garrison of the capital and its inhabitants, 
has succeeded in triumphing over the obnoxious forces of the 
old regime in such a manner that we are now able to proceed 
to a more stable organization of the executive power, with men 
whose past political activity assures them the country's con- 
fidence. 

The new Cabinet will base its policy on the following prin- 
ciples : 

First — An immediate general amnesty for all political and 
religious offenses, including terrorist acts and military and 
agrarian offenses. 

Second — Liberty of speech and of the press; freedom for 
alliances, unions and strikes, with the extension of these liberties 
to military officials, within the limits admitted by military 
requirements. 

Third — Abolition of all social, religious, and national restric- 
tions. 

Fourth — To proceed forthwith to the preparation and con- 

1 The Tsar abdicated March 15, 1917. The new Provisional Government 
consisted of the following members: Prime Minister, Prince G. E. Lvov; 
Foreign Affairs, Paul N. Miliukov; War-Navy, A. I. Guchkov; Justice, 
A. F. Kerensky; Trade-Commerce, A. I. Konovalov; Agriculture, A. I. 
Shingariev; Communication, N, V. Nekrasov; Education, A. A. Maniulov; 
Finance, M. I. Tereshchenko ; Comptroller, I. V. Godniev; Procurator of 
Holy Synod, V. N. Lvov. 

1 



2 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

vocation of a Constituent Assembly, based on universal suffrage, 
which will establish a stable governmental regime. 

Fifth — The substitution of the police by a national militia, 
with chiefs to be elected and responsible to the Government. 

Sixth — Communal elections to be based on universal suffrage. 

Seventh — The troops which participated in the Revolutionary 
Movement will not be disarmed, but will remain in Petrograd. 

Eighth — While maintaining strict military discipline for 
troops on active service, it is desirable to abrogate for soldiers 
all restrictions in the enjoyment of social rights accorded other 
citizens. 

The Provisional Government desires to add that it has no 
intention to profit by the circumstances of the war to delay the 
realization of the measures of reform above mentioned. 



Address by Paul N. Miliukov, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
to the Representatives of the Allies, cabled to all Russian 
Diplomats abroad, March i8, 1917. 

(New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 10.) 

The news transmitted by the Petrograd Telegraphic Agency 
already has acquainted you with the events of the last few days 
and the fall of the old political regime in Russia, which collapsed 
lamentably in the face of popular indignation provoked by its 
carelessness, its abuses, and its criminal lack of foresight. The 
unanimity of resentment which the order of things now at an 
end had aroused among all healthy elements of the nation, has 
considerably facilitated the crisis. All these elements having 
rallied with enthusiasm to the noble flag of revolution, and the 
Army having lent them its speedy and effective support, the 
national movement obtained decisive victory within eight days. 

This rapidity of realization happily made it possible to reduce 
the number of victims to a figure unprecedentedly small in the 
annals of upheavals of such extent and importance. 

By an act dated from Pskov, March 15, Emperor Nicholas 
renounced the throne for himself and his heir, Grand Duke 
Alexis Nikolaievitch, in favor of Grand Duke Michael Alex- 
andre vitch. In reply to a notification which was made to him 
of this act, Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovitch, by an act dated 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 3 

Petrograd, March 16, in his turn, renounced assumption of 
supreme power until the time when a Constituent Assembly, 
created on the basis of universal suffrage, should have established 
a form of government and new fundamental laws of Russia. 
By this same act, Michael Alexandrovitch invited the citizens 
of Russia, pending a definite manifestation of the national will, 
to submit to the authority of the Provisional Government con- 
stituted on the initiative of the State, which holds full power. 
The composition of the Provisional Government and its political 
program have been published and transmitted to foreign coun- 
tries. 

This Government, which assumes power at the moment of 
the greatest external and internal crisis which Russia has known 
in the course of her history, is fully conscious of the immense 
responsibility it incurs. It will apply itself first to repairing 
the overwhelming errors bequeathed to it by the past, to insuring 
order and tranquillity in the country, and, finally, to preparing 
the conditions necessary in order that the sovereign will of the 
nation may be freely pronounced as to its future lot. 

In the domain of foreign policy, the Cabinet, in which I 
am charged with the portfolio of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 
will remain mindful of the international engagements entered 
into by the fallen regime, and will honor Russia's word. We 
shall carefully cultivate relations which unite us with other 
friendly and allied nations, and we are confident that these 
relations wiU become even more intimate, more solid, under the 
new regime established in Russia, which is resolved to be guided 
by the democratic principles of respect due to the small and 
great nations, to the liberty of their development, and to good 
understanding among nations. 

But the Government cannot forget for a single instant the 
grave external circumstances under which it assumes power. 
Russia did not will the war which has been drenching the world 
with blood for nearly three years. But, victim of premeditated 
aggression prepared long ago, she will continue, as in the past, 
to struggle against the spirit of conquest of a predatory race 
which has aimed at establishing an intolerable hegemony over 
its neighbors and subjecting Europe of the twentieth century to 
the shame of domination by Prussian militarism. Faithful to 
the pact which unites her indissolubly to her glorious Allies, 
Russia is resolved like them, to assure the world, at all costs, 
an era of peace among the nations, on the basis of stable national 



4 EUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

organization guaranteeing respect for right and justice. She 
will fight by their side against the common enemy until the end, 
without cessation and without faltering. 

The Government of which I form a part will devote all its 
energy to preparation of victory and will apply itself to the 
task of repairing as quickly as possible the errors of the past, 
which hitherto have paralyzed the aspirations and the self- 
sacrifice of the Russian people. I am firmly convinced that the 
marvelous enthusiasm, which to-day animates the whole nation, 
will multiply its strength in time and hasten the hour of the 
final triumph of a regenerated Russia and her valiant Allies. 

I beg you to communicate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
[of the country to which the diplomat addressed is accredited] 
the contents of the present telegram. 



[3-] 

Manifesto by the Provisional Government of Russia to the 

People, March 20, 191 7. 

''' (New York Times Cwrrent Eiatory, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 12.) 

Cithsns: 

The great work has been accomplished. By a powerful 
stroke the Russian people have overthrown the old regime. 
A new Russia is born. This coup d'etat has set the keystone 
upon long years of struggle. 

Under pressure of awakened national forces, the act of 
October 30, 1905, promised Russia constitutional liberties, which 
-were never put into execution. The First Duma, the mouthpiece 
of the national wishes, was dissolved. The Second Duma met 
the same fate, and the Government, being powerless to crush 
the national will, decided by the act of June 16, 1907, to deprive 
the people of part of the legislative rights promised them. 

During the ensuing ten years the Government successively 
withdrew from the people all the rights they had won. The 
country was again thrown into the abyss of absolute ruin and 
administrative arbitrariness. All attempts to make the voice 
of reason heard were vain, and the great world struggle into 
which the country was plunged found it face to face with moral 
.decadence and power not united with the people — power indif- 
iferent to the country's destinies and steeped in vices and infamy. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 5 

The heroic efforts of the Army, crushed under the cruel 
weight of internal disorganization, the appeals of the national 
representatives, who were united in view of the national danger, 
were powerless to lead the Emperor and his Government into 
the path of union with the people. Thus, when Russia, through 
the illegal and sinister acts of her governors, was confronted 
with the greatest disasters, the people had to take the power 
into their own hands. 

With unanimous revolutionary spirit, the people, fully 
realizing the seriousness of the moment and the firm will of the 
Duma, established a Provisional Government, which conisiders 
that it is its sacred duty to realize the national desires and lead 
the country into the bright path of free civil organization. The 
Government believes that the lofty spirit of patriotism which 
the people have shown in the struggle against the old regime 
will also animate our gallant soldiers on the battlefields. 

In its turn the Government will do its utmost to provide the 
Army with everything necessary to bring the war to a victorious 
conclusion. The Government will faithfully observe all alliances 
uniting us to other powers and all agreements made in the past. 

While taking measures indispensable for the defense of the 
country against a foreign enemy, the Government will consider 
it its first duty to grant to the people every facility to express 
its will concerning the political administration, and will convoke 
as soon as possible the Constituent Assembly on the basis of 
universal suffrage, at the same time assuring the gallant de- 
fenders of the country their share in the Parliamentary elections. 

The Constituent Assembly will issue fundamental laws, guar- 
anteeing the country the immutable rights of equality and 
liberty. 

Conscious of the burden of the political oppression weighing 
on the country and hindering the free creative forces of the 
people during years of painful hardships, the Provisional Gov- 
ernment deems it necessary, before the Constituent Assembly, to 
announce to the country its principles, assuring political liberty 
and equality to all citizens, making free "use of the spiritual 
forces in creative work for the benefit of the country. The 
Government will also take care to elaborate the principles assur- 
ing all citizens participation in communal elections, which will 
be carried out on a basis of universal suffrage. 

At the moment of national emancipation, the whole country 
recalls witli pious gratitude those who, in the struggle for their 



6 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

political and religious ideas, fell victims of the vengeance of 
the old power, and the Provisional Government will joyfully 
bring back from exile and prison all those who thus suffered for 
the good of their country. 

In realizing these problems, the Provisional Government be- 
lieves it is executing the national will and that the whole people 
will support it in its efforts to insure the happiness of Russia. 



[4-] 

Statement conveying Recognition of the Provisional Govern- 
ment by the United States and the Provisional Govern- 
ment's Reply, March 22, 191 7. 

{New York Times Cwrrent History, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 293.) 

On March 22 the Government of the United States, through 
its Ambassador in Petrograd, David R. Francis,^ conveyed to the 
Council of Ministers its official recognition of the new Russian 
Government : 

**I have the honor, as the Ambassador and Representative 
of the Government of the United States accredited to Russia, to 
state, in accordance with instructions, that the Government of 
the United States has recognized the new Government of Russia, 
and I, as Ambassador of the United States, will be pleased to 
continue intercourse with Russia through the medium of the new 
Government. 

**May the cordial relations existing between the two countries 
continue to obtain. May they prove mutually satisfactory and 
beneficial. ' * 

The reply for the Provisional Government was made by 
P. N. Miliukov, Minister of Foreign Affairs : 

** Permit me, in the name of the Provisional Government, to 
answer the act of recognition by the United States. You have 
been able to follow for yourself the events which have established 
the new order of affairs for free Russia. I have been more than 
once in your country and may bear witness that the ideals which 
are represented by the Provisional Government are the same as 
underlie the existence of your own country. I hope that this 

1 Mr. Francis was appointed American Ambassador to Russia in March, 
1916. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 7 

great change which, has come to Russia will do much to bring 
us closer together than we have ever been before. 

**I must tell your Excellency that during the last few days 
I have received many congratulations from prominent men in 
your country, assuring me that the public opinion of the United 
States is in sympathy with us. Permit me to thank you. We 
are proud to be recognized first by a country whose ideals we 
cherish.*' 

[S-] 

Proclamation by the Petrograd Soviet to the Peoples of the 
World, March 27, 1917.^ 

ilzvestia,2 March 28, 1917.) 

Comrade proletarians and all laboring people of all countries: 
We, Russian workingmen and soldiers, united in the Petro- 
grad Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, are sending 

1 The Petrograd Soviet of Workers* and Soldiers' Deputies began to 
assert its power in the early days of the Revolution. E. H. Wilcox, an 
English correspondent, in his book entitled Russia's Rum, gives an inter- 
esting account of what took place on March 12. 

" Simultaneously with the meeting in No. 12 Committee Room, the 
Provisional Committee of the Duma had been constituting itself in another 
part of the building, and Prince Lvov's Cabinet was the result of negotia- 
tions between this body and the Executive Committee of the Soviet. Of the 
course of these negotiations very little has been revealed. It is known, 
however, that the Soviet leaders were urged to join the Cabinet but re- 
fused. ..." 

" From the very outset the Petrograd Soviet was the only body the 
authority of which was acknowledged by those who had supplied the ele- 
ment of physical force in bringing about the Revolution, that is to say the 
garrison and factory hands of the Capital" (pp. 154, 161). 

In a report to the conference of Soviets in March, 1917, Steklov, thon 
member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, said : " In 
the first days of the Revolution the Petrograd Soviet was in a position to 
take power into its own hands. It did not do so but left it to the State 
Duma to organize the Provisional Government. It even refused to par- 
ticipate in that Government but decided to influence it from without. . . . 
The Soviet decided to limit itself to presenting to the Provisional Govern- 
ment definite political demands, and without influencing directly the com- 
position of the Cabinet, which means without recommending directly 
desirable candidates for ministers, to confine itself to the right to veto 
those candidates who are definitely undesirable and definitely opposed and 
dangerous to the Revolution " ( Izvestia, No. 32 ) . 

2 The Izvestia (Bulletins) of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and 
Soldiers' Deputies was the organ of that body. In August, 1917, it became 
also the organ of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the 
Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. It supported successive Pro- 
visional Governments. After the November revolution the Izvestia became 
the official organ of the Soviet Government. 



8 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

you our fiery greetings and announce the great event. The Rus- 
sian democracy threw down into the dust the age-long despotism 
of the Tsar, and is joining your family as an equal member 
and as a mighty force in the struggle for our common liberation. 
Our victory is a great victory of world freedom and democracy. 
The stronghold of world reaction and the "gendarme of Europe'^ 
is no more. Let the earth on its grave be like a heavy stone. 
Long live freedom! Long live the international solidarity of 
the proletariat and its struggle for final victory ! 

Our work is not finished yet: the shadows of the old order 
have not yet been scattered, and not a few enemies are gathering 
force against the Russian revolution. But our gains are tre- 
mendous. The peoples of Russia will express their will in the 
Constituent Assembly, which will be called as soon as is possible 
on the basis of universal, equal, direct, and secret suffrage. And 
already it may be said without a doubt that a democratic republic 
will triumph in Russia. The Russian people now possess full 
political liberty. They can now assert their mighty power in 
the internal affairs of the country and in its foreign policy. 
And, appealing to all the peoples, who are being destroyed and 
ruined in the monstrous war, we announce that the time has 
come to start a decisive struggle against the intentions of con- 
quest on the part of the governments of all countries ; the time 
has come for the peoples to take into their owu hands the decision 
of the question of war and peace. 

Conscious of its revolutionary power the Russian democracy 
announces that it will, by every means, resist the policy of con- 
quest of its ruling classes, and it calls upon the peoples of 
Europe for concerted decisive actions in favor of peace. 

And we are appealing to our brother-proletarians of the 
Austro-German coalition and first of all to the German pro- 
letariat. From the first days of the war you were assured that 
by raising arms against autocratic Russia, you were defending 
the culture of Europe from Asiatic despotism. Many of you 
saw in this a justification of that support which you were giving 
to the war. Now even this justification is gone: democratic 
Russia cannot be a threat to liberty and civilization. 

We will firmly defend our own liberty from all reactionary 
attempts from within as well as from without. The Russian 
revolution will not retreat before the bayonets of conquerors and 
will not allow itself to be crushed by foreign military force. But 
we are calling to you : throw off the yoke of your semi-autocratic 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 9 

rule in the same way that the Russian people shook off the Tsar's 
autocracy; refuse to serve as an instrument of conquest and 
violence in the hands of kings, landowners, and bankers — and by 
co-ordinated efforts we will stop the horrible butchery, which is 
disgracing humanity and is beclouding the great days of the 
birth of Russian freedom. 

Laboring people of all countries: We are stretching out in a 
brotherly fashion our hands to you over the mountains of corpses 
of our brothers, across rivers of innocent blood and tears, over 
the smoking ruins of cities and villages, over the wreckage of 
the treasures of culture, — ^we appeal to you for the re-establish- 
ment and strengthening of international unity. That will be 
the security for our future victories and the complete liberation 
of humanity. 

Proletarians of all countries, unite! 

PETROGRAD SOVIET OF WORKER'S AND SOLDIERS ' DEPUTIES. 



[6.] 

Statement by the Provisional Government regarding the War, 

April 9, 19 17. 

{Izvestia, April 11, 1917.) 
Citizens: 

The Provisional Government after considering the military 
situation of the Russian state, in view of its duty to the country, 
decided to directly and openly tell the people the entire truth. 

The Government which was overthrown left the defense of 
the country in a thoroughly disorganized condition. By its 
criminal inactivity and its inefficient methods it brought dis- 
organization into our finances, into the work of food-supply and 
transportation, into the work of supplying the army. It has 
undermined our economic system. 

The Provisional Government, with the active and vigorous 
assistance of the entire people, will make every effort to correct 
these burdensome consequences of the old regime. But time does 
not wait. The blood of numerous sons of the fatherland was 
flowing without measure during these two and a half long years 
of war, but the country still remains under the blows of a pow- 
erful enemy, which has occupied whole provinces of our country, 
and now, in the days of the birth of Russian freedom, is threat- 
ening us with a new decisive attack. 



10 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

The defense by all means of our own inheritance and the 
liberation of the country from the enemy which has entered it 
is the first important, pressing problem of our soldiers who are 
defending the freedom of the people. 

Leaving to the will of the people, in close union with our 
Allies, the final decision of all questions connected with the 
world war and its ending, the Provisional Government considers 
it its right and duty to declare that the purpose of free Russia 
is not domination over other peoples, nor spoliation of their 
national possessions, nor the violent occupation of foreign ter- 
ritories, but the establishment of a permanent peaxje on the basis 
of self-determination of peoples. The Russian people are not 
aiming to increase their power abroad at the expense of other 
people, they have no aim to enslave or oppress anybody. In the 
name of the highest principles of justice they have taken off 
the chains from the Polish people. But the Russian people will 
not allow their fatherland to come out from the great struggle 
humiliated and undermined in its vital forces. 

These principles will be made the basis of the foreign policy 
of the Provisional Government, which will firmly carry out the 
will of the people and will protect the rights of our fatherland 
at the same time fully observing all obligations made in regard 
to our Allies. 

The Provisional Government of free Russia has no right to 
hide the truth from the people. The State is in danger. All 
efforts must be made for its salvation. Let the reply of the 
country to the truth which has been told be not hopeless despair, 
not failure of courage, but an unanimous effort directed to the 
creation of a united people *s will. It will give us new strength 
in the struggle and will lead us to salvation. 

In this hour of severe trial let the entire nation find in itself 
strength to safeguard the liberty it has won and engage in tireless 
work for the welfare of free Russia. The Provisional Govern- 
ment which took a solemn oath to serve the people, firmly believes 
that with general and unanimous support of one and all, it will 
be able to do its duty to the nation to the end. 

Signed by Minister-Chairman, Prince G. E. Lvov, 

April 9, 1917. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 11 



[7-] 

Communication by P. N. Miliukov, Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs, to the Russian Diplomats in the Allied Countries, 
May I, 1917. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 478.) 

The Provisional Government of Russia published, on April 
27,^ a Manifesto to Russian citizens wherein it explained the 
views of the Government of Russia as regards the objects to be 
attained in the war. The Minister of Foreign Affairs instructs 
me to communicate to you the contents of the document referred 
to and to add the following considerations : 

Our enemies have striven lately to sow discord among our 
Allies by propagating absurd reports regarding the alleged in- 
tention of Russia to conclude a separate peace with the Central 
Powers. The text of the document annexed will form the best 
refutation of such intentions. The general principles therein 
enunciated by the Provisional Government are in entire agree- 
ment with the ideas which have been expressed repeatedly up to 
quite recently by eminent statesmen of the Allied countries. 

These principles were expressed lucidly also in the words 
of the President of our Ally, the great overseas Republic. The 
Russian Government, under the old regime, certainly was not 
prepared to appreciate and share these ideas as to the liberating 
character of the war, the establishment of a stable basis for 
pacific co-operation of nations, the freedom of oppressed peoples, 
etc., but emancipated Russia can now use language which will 
be understood by modern democracies and hasten to add her 
voice to that of her Allies. 

The declaration of the Provisional Government, being imbued 
with the new spirit of free democracy, naturally cannot afford 
the least pretext for assumption that the demolition of the old 
structure has entailed any slackening on the part of Russia in 
the common struggle of all the Allies. On the contrary, the 
nation's determination to bring the world war to a decisive vic- 
tory has been accentuated, owing to the sense of responsibility 
which is shared by all in common and each one of us in par- 
ticular. 

This spirit has become still more active by the fact that it 

iThis should read April 9. 



12 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

is concentrated on the immediate task, which touches everybody 
so closely, of driving back the enemy who invaded our territory. 
It is understood, and the annexed document so expressly states, 
that the Provisional Government, in safeguarding the right 
acquired for our country, will maintain a strict regard for its 
agreements with the Allies of Russia. 

Firmly convinced of the victorious issue of the present war, 
and in perfect agreement with our Allies, the Provisional Gov- 
ernment is likewise confident that the problems which were 
created by this war will be solved by the creation on a firm basis 
of a lasting peace, and that, inspired by identical sentiments, 
the Allied Democracies will find means of establishing the guar- 
anties and penalties necessary to prevent any recourse to san- 
guinary war in the future. 



[8.] 

Explanation of P. N. Miliukov's Communication to the Rus- 
sian Diplomats in Allied Countries, furnished by the 
Provisional Government to the Soviet of Workers' and 
Soldiers' Deputies, May 4, 1917.^ 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 480.) 

The note was subjected to long and detailed examination by 
the Provisional Government, and was unanimously approved. 
It was obvious that this note, in speaking of a decisive victory, 
had in view a solution of the problems mentioned in the com- 
munication of April 9 and which was thus specified: 

* * The Government deems it to be its right and duty to declare 
now that free Russia does not aim at the domination of other 
nations or at depriving them of their national patrimony, or at 
occupying by force foreign territories, but that its object is to 
establish a durable peace on the basis of the rights of nations 
to decide their own destiny. 

**The Russian Nation does not lust after the strengthening 
of its power abroad at the expense of other nations. Its aim 

1 This Note was sent as a result of the criticism of the preceding Note 
by the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' 
Deputies. In consequence of this explanation a vote of confidence in the 
Government was passed by the Soviet by the narrow margin of 35 votes 
out of a total of 2,500. Guchkov, the Minister of of War, resigned on the 
13th of May, and Miliukov three days later. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 13 

is not to subjugate or humiliate any one. In the name of the 
higher principles of equity, the Russian people have broken the 
chains which fettered the Polish Nation, but it will not suffer 
that its own country shall emerge from the great struggle 
humiliated or weakened in its vital forces/' 

In referring to the ** penalties and guaranties** essential to 
a durable peace the Provisional Government had in view the 
reduction of armaments, the establishment of international 
tribunals, etc. 

This explanation will be communicated by the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs to the Ambassadors of the Allied Powers. 



[9-] 

Appeal by the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers' 
and Soldiers' Deputies, May 4, 191 7. 

{Izveatia, May 5, 1917.) 
TO ALL citizens! 

Citizens : 

At the moment when the fate of the country is being decided, 
every hasty step threatens us with danger. 

Demonstrations arising from the note of the Government 
regarding foreign policy resulted in clashes on the streets. There 
are wounded and killed. 

For the sake of the salvation of the revolution from the 
threatening confusion, we are making a passionate appeal to you : 

Preserve quiet, order, and discipline. 

The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies is discussing 
the present situation. Meanwhile let nothing interfere with 
orderly life ii; free Russia. 

Comrade soldiers: 

Without the call of the Executive Committee in these tur- 
bulent days do not come out on the streets with firearms. To 
the Executive Committee alone belongs the right of command. 

Every order regarding the coming out of a military unit on 
the street (except usual patrols) must be issued on a blank of 
the Executive Committee, stamped with its seal and signed by 
not less than two of the following seven people: Cheidze, 
Skobelev, Binasik, Filipovsky, Skalov, Goldman, Bogdanov. 

Confirm every order by telephoning No. 104-06. 



14 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONE 

Comrade workmen and militiamen: 

Your arms are of service only in the defense of the revolu- 
tion. In demonstrations and at meetings you do not need them. 
Here they become a danger to the cause of freedom. When 
going to meetings or demonstrations do not take weapons with 
you. 

The Executive Committee appeals to all organizations to 
help it in the preservation of order and quiet. 

Violence between citizens cannot be allowed in free Russia. 

Confusion is beneficial only to the enemies of the revolution. 
He who leads to confusion is an enemy of the people. 

The Executive Committee of the Soviet 
OF Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. 



[10.] 

Cable from Samuel Gompers, President of the American 
Federation of Labor, to the Executive Committee of the 
Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers* Deputies, 
May 7, 1917. 

(New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 1, p. 484.) 

The gravest crisis in the world's history is now hanging in 
the balance and the course which Russia will pursue may have 
a determining influence whether democracy or autocracy shall 
prevail. That democracy and freedom will finally prevail there 
can be no doubt in the minds of men who know, but the cost, 
the time lost, and the sacrifices which would ensue from lack 
of united action may be appalling. It is to avoid this that I 
address you. 

In view of the grave crisis through which the Russian people 
are passing, we assure you that you can rely absolutely upon 
the whole-hearted support and co-operation of the American 
people in the great war against our common enemy, Kaiserism. 
In the fulfillment of that cause the present American Govern- 
ment has the support of 90 per cent, of the American people, 
including the working classes of both the cities and the agri- 
cultural sections. 

In free America, as in free Russia, the agitators for a peace 
favorable to Prussian militarism have been allowed to express 
their opinions, so that the conscious and unconscious tools of 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 15 

the Kaiser appear more influential than they really are. You 
should realize the truth of the situation. There are but few 
in America willing to allow Kaiserism and its allies to con- 
tinue their rule over those non-German peoples who wish to be 
free from their domination. Should we not protest against the 
pro-Kaiser Socialist interpretation of the demand for no annexa- 
tion, namely, that all oppressed non-German peoples shall be 
compelled to remain under the domination of Prussia and her 
lackeys, Aus.tria and Turkey? Should we not rather accept the 
better interpretation that there must be no forcible annexations, 
but that every people must be free to choose any allegiance it 
desires, as demanded by the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers ^ 
Delegates ? >^ 

Like yourselves, we are opposed to all punitive and improper j 
indemnities. We denounce the onerous punitive indemnities 
already imposed by the Kaiser upon the people of Serbia, Bel- 
gium, and Poland. 

Americans workers share the view of the Council of Work- 
men's and Soldiers' Delegates that the only way in which the 
German people can bring the war to an early end is by imitating 
the glorious example of the Russian people, compelling the abdi- 
cation of the Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs and driving the 
tyrannous nobility, bureaucracy, and the military caste from 
power. 

Let the German Socialists attend to this, and cease their 
false pretenses and underground plotting to bring about an abor- 
tive peace in the interest of Kaiserism and the ruling class. Let 
them cease calling pretended 'international" conferences at the 
instigation or connivance of the Kaiser. Let them cease their 
intrigues to cajole the Russian and American working people 
to interpret your demand, ''no annexation, no indemnities," in 
a way to leave undiminished the prestige and power of the 
German military caste. 

Now that Russian autocracy is overthrown, neither the 
American Government nor the American people apprehend that 
the wisdom and experience of Russia in the coming Constitu- 
tional Assembly will adopt any form of government other than 
the one best suited to your needs. We feel confident that no 
message, no individual emissary, and no commission has been 
sent or will be sent with authority to offer any advice whatever 
to Russia as to the conduct of her internal affairs. Any com- 
mission that may be sent will help Russia in any way that she 



16 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

desires to combat Kaiserism wherever it exists or may manifest 
itself. 

Word has reached us that false reports of an American pur- 
pose and of American opinions contrary to the above statement 
have gained some circulation in Russia. We denounce these 
reports as the criminal work of desperate pro-Kaiser propa- 
gandists, circulated with the intent to deceive and to arouse 
hostile feelings between the two great democracies of the world. 
The Russian people should know that these activities are only 
additional manifestations of the *Mark forces" with which 
Russia has been only too familiar in the unhappy past. 

The American Government, the American people, the 
American labor movement, are whole-heartedly with the Russian 
workers, the Russian masses, in the great effort to maintain the 
freedom you have already achieved, and to solve the grave 
problems yet before you. We earnestly appeal to you to make 
common cause with us to abolish all forms of autocracy and 
despotism and to establish and maintain for generations yet 
unborn the priceless treasures of justice, freedom, democracy, 
and humanity. 

[II.] 

Appeal by the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' 
Deputies to the Socialists of all Countries, May 15, 191 7. 

(Izvestia, May 15, 1917.) 
TO THE SOCIALISTS OP ALL COUNTRIES 

Comrades: 

The Russian Revolution was bom in the fire of the world 
war. This war is a monstrous crime on the part of the impe- 
rialists of all the countries, who, by their lust for annexa- 
tions, by their mad race of armaments, have prepared and 
made inevitable the world conflagration. 

Whatever the vicissitudes of military fortune may be, the im- 
perialists of all countries are equally the victors in this war ; the 
war has yielded and is yielding them fabulous profits, concen- 
trates in their hands colossal capital and endows them with 
unheard-of power over the person, labor, and the very life of 
the toilers. 

And just because of this, the toilers of all the countries are 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 17 

equally defeated in this war. On the altar of imperialism they 
sacrifice their lives, their health, their liberty, their property; 
on their shoulders rest unspeakable burdens. 

The Russian Revolution, the revolution of the toilers, work- 
ing-men and soldiers, is not only a revolt aganst Tsardom, 
but also against the horrors of the world war. It is the first 
outcry of indignation of one of the detachments of the interna- 
tional army of labor against the crimes of international impe- 
rialism. It is not only a national revolution, — it is the first 
stage of the world revolution, which will end the baseness of 
war and will bring peace to mankind. 

The Russian Revolution, from the very moment of its birth, 
clearly realized the international problem that confronted it. Its 
plenipotentiary organ — the Petrograd Soviet of Soldiers' and 
Workers' Deputies — in its appeal of the 27th of March, called 
upon the peoples of the whole world to unite for the struggle 
for peace. The Russian Revolutionary Democracy does not want 
a separate peace, which would free the hands of the Austro- 
German Alliance. 

The Revolutionary Democracy of Russia knows that such a 
peace would be a betrayal of the cause of the workers' democracy 
of all countries, which would find itself tied hand and foot, im- 
potent before the world of triumphant imperialism. It knows 
that such a peace might lead to the military destruction of other 
countries and thus strengthen the triumph of the ideas of 
chauvinism and revenge in Europe, leaving it an armed camp, 
just as after the Franco-Prussian war of 1870, and thus 
inevitably precipitating a new bloody conflict in the near future. 

The Russian Revolutionary Democracy desires a general 
peace on a basis acceptable to the workers of all countries, who 
do not seek annexations, who do not stand for robberies, who 
are equally interested in the free expression of the will of 
all nations and the crushing of the might of international 
imperialism. Peace without annexations or indemnities on the 
basis of the self-determination of peoples is the formula adopted 
unreservedly by the proletarian mind and heart. It furnishes 
a platform on which the toiling masses of all countries — 
belligerent and neutral — could and should come to an under- 
standing, in order to establish a lasting peace and with concerted 
effort heal the wounds caused by the bloody war. 

The Provisional Government of Revolutionary Russia has 
adopted this platform. 



18 RUSSIAN- AMERICAN RELATIONS 

The Russian Revolutionary Democracy appeals first to you, 
Socialists of the Allied countries. You must not permit the voice 
of the Provisional Government of Russia to remain the only 
voice in the Entente. 

You must force your Governments to state definitely and 
clearly that the platform of peace without annexations or indem- 
nities, on the basis of self-determination of peoples, is also their 
platform. By doing this you will add weight and strength to 
the attempts of the Russian Government. You will give our 
Revolutionary Army, that has inscribed on its banner ** Peace 
among peoples," the assurance that its bloody sacrifices will not 
be used for evil purposes. You will enable it to carry out, with 
all the fervor of revolutionary enthusiasm, the war tasks that 
are falling to its lot. You will strengthen the faith of the Army 
if you enable it to realize that while defending the conquests 
of the Revolution and our freedom, it is at the same time fighting 
for the interests of International Democracy. Thus you will 
hasten the coming of the desired peace. 

You will put the Governments of the enemy countries in such 
a position that they will be forced either to repudiate irrevocably 
their policy of annexation, robbery, and violence, or else openly 
confess their criminal projects, thus bringing upon themselves 
the full and just indignation of their peoples. 

The Russian Revolutionary Democracy appeals to you, So- 
cialists of the Austro-German Alliance: You cannot allow the 
Armies of your Governments to become the executioners of 
Russian liberty. You cannot permit the Governments of your 
countries to take advantage of the exultant spirit of liberty and 
fraternity with which the Russian Revolutionary Army is 
imbued, to move their troops to the West, in order to crush 
France first and Russia later. If you do, you yourselves first 
and finally, the International Proletariat, will be strangled in 
the grip of universal Imperialism. 

The Russian Revolutionary Democracy appeals to the So- 
cialists of the belligerent and neutral countries and urges them 
to prevent the triumph of Imperialism. Let the movement for 
peace, started by the Russian Revolution, be brought to a con- 
clusion by the efforts of the International Proletariat. 

In order to unite these efforts, the Petrograd Soviet of 
Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies has decided to take the initia- 
tive in calling for an international conference of all the Socialist 
parties and factions in every country. Whatever the differences 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 19 

of opinion which have disrupted Socialism for a period of three 
years of war may be, not a single section of the Proletariat 
should refuse to participate in the general struggle for peace, 
which now confronts the Russian Revolution.^ 

We believe, comrades, that all Socialistic groups will be rep- 
resented at this conference. A unanimous decision by the Pro- 
letarian Internationale will be the first victory of the toilers 
over the Internationale of the Imperialists. 

Proletarians of the world, unite! 



[12.] 

Declaration by the Second Provisional Government, 

May i8, 1917.^ 

{Izvestia, May 19, 1917.) 

Reorganized and strengthened by the entrance of new rep- 
resentatives of the Revolutionary Democracy, the Provisional 
Government declares that it will resolutely and whole-heartedly 

iThe Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers* and 
Soldiers' Deputies resolved on the ninth of May to call an International 
Socialist Congress. On June 2 an appeal was issued to the Socialist 
parties and trade union organizations of the world for a congress to be 
convened in Stockholm, the eighth of July, to consider a plan for bringing 
peace. The representatives to this conference appointed by the American 
Socialist Party were Morris Hillquit, Victor Berger, and Algernon Lee, who 
had attempted to attend the conference called through the medium of the 
International Socialist Bureau earlier in the year. At that time their 
application for passports had been denied. 

On July 9 Cheidze, the president of the Soviet of Workers' and Sol- 
diers' Deputies, cabled the Socialist Party of America, expressing *' the 
firm hope that the American party which since the beginning of the war 
has several times proposed the convocation of an international conference 
will consider it a duty of honor to send its representatives to the con- 
ference of the Soviet." On August 6 Hillquit was notified by the Assistant 
Secretary of State that " in view of the existing conditions the Department 
must decline your application for a passport." 

The following telegram was printed in the New York Call on August 
12: "Secretary of State Lansing to-day announced that no passports will 
be issued for Americans desiring to attend the Stockholm conference. The 
State Department announces that it looks with disfavor on the possibility 
of its spreading peace sentiments in the coimtries participating. . . . 
Officials of the government directed attention to-day to the fact that al- 
though representatives of the workmen's Soviet in Russia have endorsed 
this conference, the Russian Revolutionary Government itself has not 
done so." 

2 After the resignation of Guchkov and Miliukov the Government was 
reorganized on a broader basis. Six Socialists were induced to accept 



20 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

put into practice the ideas of liberty, equality, and fraternity — 
under whose banner the great Russian Revolution has come into 
being. The Provisional Government is particularly united by 
the following fundamental traits of its future activities: 

(1) In its foreign policy, rejecting in full harmony with 
the entire people, the idea of a separate peace, the Provisional 
Government proclaims openly that it is its aim to bring about, 
at the earliest possible date, a general peace without the object 
of either imposing its rule over any nation, or taking away any 
nation's possessions, or forcibly annexing foreign territory, i.e., 
we wish peace without annexations, without indemnities and on 
the basis of self-determination of peoples. Firmly convinced that 
with the overthrow of the Tsar's regime and the establishment 
of democratic principles in our domestic and foreign policies, 
there was created for the Allied Democracies a new factor mak- 
ing for a permanent peace and the brotherhood of peoples, the 
Provisional Government is taking the preliminary steps towards 
effecting an understanding with the Allies on the basis of the 
declaration made by the Provisional Government on April 9. 

(2) Believing that the defeat of Russia and her Allies would 
not only be the source of the greatest calamity for the peoples 
of the world, but would retard and make impossible the con- 
clusion of a general peace on the basis of the above-mentioned 
principles, the Provisional Government trusts that the Revolu- 
tionary Army of Russia will not allow the German troops to 
crush our Allies in the West and then turn their arms against 
us. To strengthen the principles of democratization in our 
Army, to organize and strengthen its fighting capacity for both 
defensive and offensive operations, is the most important task 
now before the Provisional Government. 

(3) The Provisional Government will relentlessly and reso- 
lutely fight the economic disruption through systematic intro- 
duction of further state and social control over production, trans- 
portation, exchange, and distribution of products, and in neces- 
sary cases will also resort to the organization of production. 

(4) Measures concerning the fullest possible protection of 
labor will be developed further in the most energetic way. 

(5) Leaving it to the Constituent Assembly to decide the 

office. Prince Lvov remained as Prime Minister in the second Cabinet, 
while Kerensky became Minister of War and Tereshchenko Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. The Government also included Chernov as Minister of 
Agriculture, Tseretelli as Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, and Skobelev 
as Minister of Labor. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 21 

question of transfer of land to the toilers and making the requi- 
site preparations for this, the Provisional Government will take 
all necessary measures to secure the greatest production of grain 
in order to satisfy the needs of the country, and to regulate the 
utilization of land in the interests of the country's economic 
welfare and the needs of the toiling masses. 

(6) Desiring to effect a gradual reorganization of our system 
of finances on democratic principles, the Provisional Government 
will pay special attention to the increase of direct taxation of 
the property-owning classes (inheritance tax), of taxation of 
excess profits amassed in war industries, income tax, etc. 

(7) The work of introducing and strengthening the demo- 
cratic organizations of self-government will be continued with 
all possible persistence and speed. 

(8) The Provisional Government will, in like manner, make 
every effort to convoke the Constituent Assembly in Petrograd 
as soon as possible. 

Considering it its object to put the above-mentioned program 
into practice without hesitation, the Provisional Government 
categorically declares that its work can bear fruit only on con- 
dition that the revolutionary people place their fullest and un- 
conditional faith in the Government and enable it to exercise 
in reality its full power, which is so indispensable in the matter 
of safeguarding the achievements of the Revolution and their 
further development. 

Appealing to all the citizens, with the urgent plea to pre- 
serve the unity of power which is being effected by the Provi- 
sional Government, it proclaims that it will take the most ener- 
getic measures to save the country from all counter-revolutionary 
attempts as well as from anarchistic, unlawful acts of violence, 
disorganizing the country and preparing the ground for counter- 
revolution. The Provisional Government believes that on this 
road it will meet with the unhesitating support of all those to 
whom Russians liberty is dear. 



22 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



[13-] 

Call by the Petrograd Soviet for an International Congress, 

June 2, 1 917. 

{Izvestia, June 3, 1917.) 

The Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Work- 
ers* and Soldiers* Deputies at its meeting on June 2 adopted 
the following appeal to the Socialist parties and central trade 
union organizations of the whole world : 

On the 28th of March the Petrograd Soviet of Workers* and 
Soldiers* Deputies issued an appeal **To the Peoples of the 
Whole World,** in which it asked ^Hhe peoples of Europe to 
make united, decisive attempts in favor of peace.** The Soviet 
of Workers* and Soldiers* Deputies, and with it the entire 
Democracy, wrote on their banner : * ' Peace without annexations 
and indemnities, on the basis of self-determination for all 
nations.** 

The Russian Democracy compelled the first Provisional Gov- 
ernment to recognize this platform and, as was proved by events 
of the 3d and 4th of May, did not allow the first Provisional 
Government to deviate from it. The second Russian Provisional 
Government at the insistance of the Soviet of Workers* and 
Soldiers* Deputies made this platform the first point of its 
declaration. 

On the 9th of May the Executive Committee of the Soviet 
of Workers* and Soldiers* Deputies resolved to take upon itself 
the initiative of calling the international Socialist conference 
and on the 15th of May issued an appeal **To the Socialists of 
all Countries" asking them to join in a common struggle for 
peace. 

The Soviet of Workers* and Soldiers* Deputie* believes that 
the quickest way of ending the war and establishing peace on 
conditions demanded by the common interests of the laboring 
masses and of the entire human race, can be accomplished only 
by the internationally united efforts of labor parties and 
trade union organizations of the warring and neutral coun- 
tries in an energetic and stubborn struggle against the world 
butchery. The first necessary and decisive step in the cause of 
the organization of such an international movement is the calling 
of an international conference. Its principal aim must be an 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 23 

agreement among the representatives of the Socialist proletariat 
regarding the liquidation of the policy of *' national unity" with 
the imperialistic governments and classes, which excludes the 
possibility of a struggle for peace, as well as an agreement re- 
garding tlie means and methods of this struggle. An interna- 
tional agreement for the purpose of putting an end to this policy 
seems to be essential as a preliminary condition for the organi- 
zation of the struggle on an international and broad basis. 
This road has been pointed out to the proletariat by all its inter- 
national agreements. 

The calling of such a conference is also urgently dictated by 
the common vital interests of the proletariat and of all the 
peoples. 

Parties and organizations of laboring classes which share 
these views and are ready to unite their efforts for carrying them 
into effect are invited by the Soviet to participate in the con- 
ference which is being called. 

At the same time the Soviet expresses its firm conviction 
that all parties and organizations which accept this invitation 
will take upon themselves the obligation to carry out firmly all 
the decisions which may be adopted by the conference. 

The meeting place of the conference the Soviet decided 
should be Stockholm; the time, July 8, 1917. 



Note from President Wilson to the Russian Government, 

May 26, 1917.^ 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 2, p. 49.) 

In view of the approaching visit of the American Delegation 
to Russia 2 to express the deep friendship of the American people 

for the people of Russia, and to discuss the best and most prac- 
tical means of co-operation between the two peoples in carrying 
the present struggle for the freedom of all peoples to a successful 

iThe Note was published in the United States on the 10th of June. 

2 The American Mission arrived in Petrograd June 13, 1917. It was 
composed of Elihu Root, John R. Mott, Charles P. Crane, Cyrus H. Mc- 
Cormick, Samuel R. Bertron, James Duncan, Charles Edward Russell, 
Major-General Hugh L. Scott, and Rear-Admiral James H. Glennon. It 
left Russia July 10. 



24 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

consummation, it seems opportune and appropriate that I should 
state again, in the light of this new partnership, the objects the 
United States has had in mind in entering the war. Those 
objects have been very much beclouded during the last few 
weeks by mistaken and misleading statements, and the issues 
at stake are too momentous, too tremendous, too significant for 
the whole human race to permit any misinterpretations or mis- 
understandings, however slight, to remain uncorrected for a 
moment. 

The war has begun to go against Germany, and in their des- 
perate desire to escape the inevitable ultimate defeat those who 
are in authority in Germany are using every possible instru- 
mentality, are making use even of the influence of groups and 
parties among their own subjects to whom they have never been 
just or fair or even tolerant, to promote a propaganda on both 
sides of the sea which will preserve for them their influence 
at home and their power abroad, to the undoing of the very 
men they are using. 

The position of America in this war is so clearly avowed that 
no man can be excused for mistaking it. She seeks no material 
profit or aggrandizement of any kind. She is fighting for no 
advantage or selfish object of her own, but for the liberation of 
peoples everywhere from the aggressions of autocratic force. 
The ruling classes in Germany have begun of late to profess 
a like liberality and justice of purpose, but only to preserve 
the power they have set up in Germany and the selfish advan- 
tages which they have wrongfully gained for themselves and 
their private projects of power all the way from Berlin to 
Bagdad and beyond. Government after Government has by their 
influence, without open conquest of its territory, been linked 
together in a net of intrigue directed against nothing less than 
the peace and liberty of the world. The meshes of that intrigue 
must be broken, but cannot be broken unless wrongs already 
done are undone : and adequate measures must be taken to pre- 
vent it from ever being rewoven or repaired. 

Of course, the Imperial German Government and those whom 
it is using for their own undoing, are seeking to obtain pledges 
that the war will end in the restoration of the status quo ante. 
It was the status quo ante out of which this iniquitous war 
issued forth, the power of the Imperial German Government 
within the empire and its widespread domination and influence 
outside of that empire. That status must be altered in such 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 25 

fashion as to prevent any such hideous thing from ever hap- 
pening again. 

We are fighting for the liberty, the self-government, and the\ 
undictated development of all peoples, and every feature of the 
settlement that concludes this war must be conceived and 
executed for that purpose. Wrongs must first be righted, and 
then adequate safeguards must be created to prevent their being 
committed again. We ought not to consider remedies merely 
because they have a pleasing and sonorous sound. Practical 
questions can be settled only by practical means. Phrases will 
not accomplish the result. Effective readjustments will ; ' and 
whatever readjustments are necessary must be made. 

But they must follow a principle, and that principle is plain. 
No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does 
not wish to live. No territory must change hands except for 
the purpose of securing those who inhabit it a fair chance of 
life and liberty. No indemnities must be insisted on except 
those that constitute payment for manifest wrongs done. No 
readjustments of power must be made except such as will tend 
to secure the future peace of the world and the future welfare 
and happiness of its peoples. 

And then the free peoples of the world must draw together 
in some common covenant, some genuine and practical co-opera- 
tion that will in effect combine their force to secure peace and 
justice in the dealings of nations with one another. The 
brotherhood of mankind must no longer be a fair but empty 
phrase ; it must be given a structure of force and reality. The 
nations must realize their common life and effect a workable 
partnership to secure that life against the aggressions of auto- 
cratic and self-pleasing power. 

For these things we can afford to pour out blood and 
treasure. For these are the things we have always professed 
to desire, and unless Ave pour out blood and treasure now and 
succeed, we may never be able to unite or show conquering force 
again in the great cause of human liberty. The day has come 
to conquer or submit. If the forces of autocracy can divide us 
they will overcome us; if we stand together, victory is certain 
and the liberty which victory will secure. We can afford, then, 
to be generous, but we cannot afford, then or now, to be weak 
or omit any single guaranty of justice and security. 



26 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



Note from the Provisional Government to the Allies, 
published June i6, 1917. 

(Izvestia, June 16, 1917.) 

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tereshchenko, transmitted 
to the Allied Governments the following note: 

The Russian Revolution is not only an upheaval in the 
internal system of Russia, but also a mighty movement of ideas 
which expresses the will of the Russian people in their aspiration 
for equality, freedom, and justice, in the internal life of the 
Statte as well as in the realm of international relations. From 
this will the members of the Russian Revolutionary Government 
draw their strength, serving this will is their duty and purpose. 

Defending in the foreign struggle the great principles of 
freedom, Russia is aiming to attain a general peace on a baisis 
excluding every kind of violence regardless of its source, as 
well as all imperialistic intentions, in all their forms. Russia 
has no designs of conquest whatsoever and emphatically protests 
against any attempts in this direction. True to these principles, 
the Russian people firmly decided to struggle against open or 
secret imperialistic intentions of our enemies in the political, as 
well as in the financial and economic domains. 

Though in regard to the aims of the war there may be dif- 
ferences of views between our Government and Allied Govern- 
ments, we have no doubt that the close union between Russia and 
her Allies will insure complete mutual agreement on all ques- 
tions on the basis of the principles proclaimed by the Russian 
Revolution. 

Remaining unshakably true to the general Allied cause, the 
/ Russian democracy welcomes the decision of those of the Allied 
/ Powers which expressed readiness to meet the desire of the Rus- 
sian Provisional Government to subject to reconsideration the 
agreements concerning the ultimate aims of the war. We sug- 
gest that there be called for this purpose a conference of rep- 
resentatives of Allied Powers, which could take place as soon 
as there are favorable conditions for it. But one of the agree- 
ments, the one which was signed in London on September 5, 
1914, and which has been published since then, and which 
excludes the possibility of conclusion by one of the Allied 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 27 

Powers of a separate peace, must not be a subject of discussion 
at this conference. 



[i6.] 

Note from Secretary Lansing, explaining the Aims of the 
American Extraordinary Mission to Russia, published 
June 19, 1917. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 2, p. 58.) 

The High Commission now on its way from this country 
to Russia is sent primarily to manifest to the Russian Govern- 
lent and people the deep sympathetic feeling which exists among 
all classes in America for the adherence of Russia to the prin- 
ciple of democracy, which has been the foundation of the 
progress and prosperity of this country. The High Commis- 
sioners go to convey the greetings of this Republic to the new 
and powerful member which has joined the great family of 
democratic nations. 

The Commissioners who will bear this fraternal message to 
the people of Russia have been selected by the President with 
the special purpose of giving representation to the various 
elements which make up the American people and to show that 
among them all there is the same love of country and the same 
devotion to liberty and justice and loyalty to constituted au- 
thority. The Commission is not chosen from one political group, 
but from the various groups into which the American electorate 
is divided. United, they represent the Republic. However much 
they may differ on public questions, they are one in support of 
democracy and in hostility to the enemies of democracy through- 
out the world. 

The Commission is prepared, if the Russian Government 
desires, to confer upon the best ways and means to bring about 
effective co-operation between the two Governments in the pro- 
secution of the war against the German autocracy, which is 
to-day the gravest menace to all democratic Governments. It is 
the view of this Government that it has become the solemn duty 
of those who love democracy and individual liberty to render 
harmless this autocratic Government, whose ambition, aggres- 
sion, and intrigue have been disclosed in the present struggle. 
Whatever the cost in life and treasure, the supreme object 



28 RUSSIAN- AJMERICAN RELATIONS 

should be and can be attained only by the united strength of the 
democracies of the world, and only then can come that perma- 
nent and universal peace which is the hope of all people. 

To the common cause of humanity, which Russia has so 
courageously and unflinchingly supported for nearly three years, 
the United States is pledged. To co-operate and aid Russia in 
the accomplishment of the task, which as a great democracy is 
more truly hers to-day than ever before, is the desire of the 
United States. To stand side by side, shoulder to shoulder 
against autocracy, will unite the American and Russian peoples 
in a friendship for the ages. 

With this spirit, the High Commissioners of the United 
States will present themselves in the confident hope that the 
Russian Government and people will realize how sincerely the 
United States hopes for their welfare and desires to share with 
them in their future endeavors to bring victory to the cause of 
democracy and human liberty. 



[17.] 

Address delivered by the Honorable Elihu Root, to the 
Russian Provisional Government, June 15, 19 17. 

(Published in pamphlet by American Consulate, Petrograd, 1917.1) 

Mr. President and Members of fhe Council of Ministers: 

The Mission for which I have the honor to speak is charged 
by the Government and people of the United States of America 
with a message to the Government and people of Russia. The 
Mission comes from a democratic Republic. Its members are 
commissioned and instructed by a President who holds his high 
office as Chief Executive of more than 100,000,000 free people 
by virtue of popular election, in which more than 18,000,000 
votes were freely cast, and fairly counted pursuant to law, by 
universal, equal, direct, and secret suffrage. 

For one hundred and forty years our people have been 
struggling with the hard problems of self-government. With 
many shortcomings, many mistakes, many imperfections, we 
still have maintained order and respect for law, indi^ddual 
freedom, and national independence. Under the security of our 
own laws, we have grown in strength and prosperity. But we 
^33 1,1' See also JVew York Times Current History ^ Vol. VI, Part 2, p. 57. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 29 

value our freedom more than wealth. We love liberty, and 
we cherish above all our possessions the ideals for which our 
fathers fought and suffered and sacrificed that America might 
be free. 

We believe in the competence of the power of democracy, and 
in our heart of hearts abides faith in the coming of a better 
world in which the humble and oppressed of all lands may be 
lifted up by freedom to a heritage of justice and equal oppor- 
tunity. 

The news of Russia's new-found freedom brought to America 
universal satisfaction and joy. From all the land sympathy and 
hope went out to the new sister in the circle of democracies. 
And the Mission is sent to express that feeling. 

The American democracy sends to the democracy of Russia 
a greeting of sympathy, friendship, brotherhood, Godspeed. 
Distant America knows little of the special conditions of Russian 
life which must give form to the Government and to the laws 
which you are about to create. As we have developed our insti- 
tutions to serve the needs of our national character and life, so 
we assume that you mil develop your institutions to serve the 
needs of Russian character and life. 

As we look across the sea we distinguish no party, no class. 
We see great Russia as a whole, as one mighty, striving, aspiring 
democracy. We know the self-control, essential kindliness, 
strong common sense, courage, and noble idealism of the Russian 
character. We have faith in you all. We pray for God's bless- 
ing upon you all. We believe you will solve your problems, that 
you will march side by side in the triumphant progress of democ- 
racy until the old order everywhere has passed away and the 
w^orld is free. 

One fearful danger threatens the liberty of both nations. 
The armed forces of a military autocracy are at the gates of 
Russia and of her Allies. The triumph of German arms will 
mean the death of liberty in Russia. No enemy is at the gates 
of America, but America has come to realize that the triumph 
of German arms means the death of liberty in the world; that 
we who love liberty and would keep it must fight for it, and 
fight for it now when the free democracies of the world may 
be strong in union, and not delay until they may be beaten down 
separately in succession. 

So America sends another message to Russia — that we are 
going to fight for your freedom equally with our own, and we 



30 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

ask you to fight for our freedom equally with yours. We would 
make your cause ours, and, with a common purpose and mutual 
helpfulness of a firm alliance, make sure of victory over our 
common foe. 

You will recognize your own sentiments and purposes in 
the words of President Wilson to the American Congress, when 
on the 2nd of April last he advised a declaration of war against 
Germany. He said : 

**We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because 
we know that in such a government (the German Government), 
following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that 
in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to 
accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured 
security for the democratic governments of the world. We are 
about to accept the gage of battle with this natural foe to lib- 
erty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation 
to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, 
now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about 
them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for 
the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included; for 
the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men 
everyivhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The 
world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be 
planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We 
have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no 
dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material 
compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are 
but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall 
be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the 
faith and the freedom of nations can make them." 

President Wilson further said: 

**Does not every American feel that assurance has been added 
to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful 
and heartening things that have been happening within the last 
few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew 
it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all 
the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships 
of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual 
attitude towards life. The autocracy that crowned the summit 
of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as 
was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, 
character, or purpose, and now it has been shaken off and tho 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 31 

great generous Russian people have been added in all their naive 
majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom 
in the world, for justice and for peace. Here is a fit partner 
for a League of Honor. '^ 

That partnership of honor in the great struggle for human 
freedom, the oldest of the great democracies now seeks in fra- 
ternal union with the youngest. 

The practical and specific methods and possibilities of our 
allied co-operation, the members of the Mission would be glad to 
discuss with the members of the Government of Russia. 



[i8.] 

Address by President Wilson, welcoming Boris A. Bakh- 
meteff, the new Russian Ambassador to the United States, 
July 5, 1917. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 2, p. 208.) 

Mr. Ambassador: 

To the keen satisfaction which I derived from the fact 
that the Government of the United States was the first to 
welcome, by its official recognition, the new Democracy of 
Russia to the family of free States is added the exceptional 
pleasure which I experience in now receiving from your 
hand the letters whereby the Provisional Government of Russia 
accredits you as its Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten- 
tiary to the United States, and in according to you formal recog- 
nition as the first Ambassador of Free Russia to this country. 

For the people of Russia the people of the United States 
have ever entertained friendly feelings, which have now been 
greatly deepened by the knowledge that, actuated by the same 
lofty motives, the two Governments and peoples are co-operating 
to bring to a successful termination the conflict now raging 
for human liberty and a universal acknowledgment of those 
principles of right and justice which should direct all Grovem- 
ments. I feel convinced that when this happy day shall come 
no small share of the credit will be due to the devoted people 
of Russia, who, overcoming disloyalty from within and intrigue 
from without, remain steadfast to the cause. 

The Mission which it was my pleasure to send to Russia has 
already assured the Provisional Government that in this mo- 



32 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

mentous struggle and in the problems that confront and will 
confront the free Government of Russia, that Government may 
count on the steadfast friendship of the Government of the 
United States and its constant co-operation in all desired appro- 
priate directions. 

It only remains for me to give expression to my admiration 
of the way in which the Provisional Government of Russia are 
meeting all requirements, to my entire sympathy with them in 
their noble object to insure to the people of Russia the blessings 
of freedom and of equal rights and opportunity, and to my faith 
that through their efforts Russia will assume her rightful place 
among the great free nations of the world. 



[19-] 

Statement by Mr. Root on the Work of the Mission, 

July 10, 1917. 

(New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 2, p. 212.) 

The Mission has accomplished what it came here to do, and 
we are greatly encouraged. We found no organic or incurable 
malady in the Russian Democracy. Democracies are always in 
trouble, and we have seen days just as dark in the progress of 
our own. 

We must remember that a people in whom all constructive 
effort has been suppressed for so long cannot immediately 
develop a genius for quick action. The first stage is necessarily 
one of debate. The solid, admirable traits in the Russian char- 
acter will pull the nation through the present crisis. Natural 
love of law and order and capacity for local self-government 
have been demonstrated every day since the Revolution. The 
country's most serious lack is money and adequate transporta- 
tion. We shall do what we can to help Russia in both. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 33 



[20.] 

Statement by the Provisional Government to the Allied 
Powers, August i, 191 7. 

{Izvestia, August 1, 1917.) 

In the hour of the great, new misfortunes which have fallen 
to Russia's lot,^ we consider it necessary to tell firmly and de- 
cisively to our Allies, who have been sharing with us the hard- 
ships of former trials, our view of the future of the war. 

The greatness of the problem of the Russian Revolution con- 
ditioned a fundamental change in the life of the State, and the 
rebuilding, while facing the enemy, of the entire system of gov- 
ernment could not have passed without serious shocks. Neverthe- 
less, Russia, realizing that there were no other means of salvation 
for the fatherland, continued, in unison with the Allies, the com- 
mon effort at the front. Russia took upon herself, while fully 
realizing the difficulty of the problem, the burden of actively 
carrying on the war at the same time as she was rebuilding her 
army and her government. The offensive of our armies, neces- 
sary in view of the strategic situation, met with insurmountable 
obstacles, both in the rear and at the front. The criminal propa- 
ganda of irresponsible elements, which was taken advantage of 
by enemy agents, brought about a rebellion in Petrograd. At the 
same time, a part of the troops at the front, under the influence 
of the same agitation, forgot their duty to the fatherland and 
opened to the enemy a way for a break in our front. The Rus- 
sian people, shocked by these events, manifested through its 
Government, created by the revolution, its irresistible will: the 
rebellion is suppressed and the guilty are brought to trial. At 
the front measures were taken to re-establish the fighting 
capacity of the army. The Government intends to accomplish 
the work of strengthening its power, to resist all dangers and 
to lead the country to the road of revolutionary regeneration. 

In the inflexible decision to continue the war until the com- 

1 July 1 . Offensive against the Germans renewed. 

July 9. Successful counter-offensive by Germans. 

July 15. Resignation of five Constitutional Democrats from the Cabi- 
net because of the Ukranian situation. 

July 17-19. Street disorders, with fatalities, in Petrograd. The Pro- 
visional Government placed the blame on the leaders of the Bolshevik 
Party, who denied the charge. 

July 20. Kerensky succeeded Prince Lvov as Premier. 



34 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

plete victory of ideals proclaimed by the Russian Revolution, 
Russia will not retreat before any difficulties. Replying to the 
threats of the enemy with renewed courage, the nation and 
the army will accomplish the great work of reconstruction and, 
entering upon the fourth year of war, will make all the neces- 
sary preparations for a further campaign. We sincerely believe 
that the sacred cause of the defense of our beloved fatherland 
will unite all the eiforts of Russian citizens, that the great 
enthusiasm, which has fired their hearts with faith in the triumph 
of freedom, will direct the entire irresistible force of the Revo- 
lution against the enemy who is threatening the fatherland. We 
know that upon the result of this struggle depends our freedom 
and the freedom of humanity, and new trials, brought about by 
treachery and crime, will only strengthen the determination of 
the Russian people, conscious of the necessity for a great sacri- 
fice, to give all their strength and all their possessions for the 
salvation of the fatherland. 

Strong with this conviction, we are convinced that the tempo- 
rary retreat of our armies will not prevent them, reorganized 
and reinforced, from going forward at the given hour in defense 
of fatherland and freedom, and accomplishing victoriously the 
great end for which they are forced to fight. 



[21.] 

Speech by Mr. Root in New York, August 12, 191 7. 
{New York Times Current History, Vol. VI, Part 2, p. 436.) 

The extraordinary ease with which the Tsar's Government 
was removed was due not merely to the fact that it was an 
autocracy, but also to the fact that it did not govern efficiently ; 
it was not up to the job; it had allowed Russia to drift into a 
position where there was vast confusion and they were on the 
verge of bankruptcy, and the Government had become, prac- 
tically, merely a government of suppression, a government of 
negatives that ceased to lead the people, so that the Tsar and 
the bureaucracy were slipped off as easily as a crab sheds its 
hard shell when the proper time comes. 

Now, into that state of affairs there came intervention by 
that malevolent power which is intermeddling with the affairs 
of every nation upon earth, stirring up discord, stimulating. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 35 

feeding, financing all the forces of evil — doing it here among 
us now — that power which finds its account in alliance with all 
evil passions, all the sordid impulses of humanity in every 
nation of the world, entered into Russia. Thousands of agents 
poured over the border immediately upon the revolution. 

Notwithstanding all this, in a country with no Central Gov- 
ernment that had power to enforce its decrees, in a country with 
no police, a country in which the sanction and moral obligation 
of the laws had disappeared with the disappearance of the Tsar, 
there reigned order to a higher degree than has existed in the 
United States of America during this period. 

In the first enthusiasm for freedom in the liberation of po- 
litical prisoners a great many ordinary criminal prisoners were 
also released, and they went about and committed some depre- 
dations, which, of course, all found their way into the news- 
papers, but even with that the general average of peace and 
order, of respect for property and life in Russia, was higher than 
could reasonably be expected from any 180,000,000 people in the 
world under any Government. 

Now, that extraordinary phenomenon called for a study, a 
careful study, not merely from the newspapers or from talking 
with government officials, but by countless serious interviews 
and conversations with men of all grades and stripes, and call- 
ings and conditions of life, and those studies satisfied all the 
members of this mission that the Russian people possessed to a 
very high degree qualities that are necessary for successful self- 
government. They have self-control equaled in few countries 
in the world. They have persistency of purpose; they have a 
most kindly and ingrained respect — not only respect, regard for 
the rights of others. They will not willingly do an injustice to 
any one, and that sense of justice carries with it a broad char- 
acter. They have a noble idealism which is developed and 
exhibited in the minds that are enlarged by education, and they 
have a strong sense of the mission of liberty in the world, and 
they have an extraordinary capacity for concerted action. 

If their character is unequal to the task, all the aid of all 
the great countries in the world cannot give them their freedom. 
Freedom must find its foundation, its sure foundation, within 
the people themselves, and we think the Russians have that sure 
foundation. , . . 

No one can tell what the outcome will be, but this is certain, 
that Russia, tired of the war, worn and harried by war ; Russia, 



36 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

which has lost 7,000,000 of her sons, every village in mourning, 
every family bereaved, Russia has again taken up the heavy 
burden; she has restored the discipline of her army; she has 
put away the bright vision of peace and rest, and returned yet 
again to the sacrifice and the suffering of war in order that she 
might continue free. 

[22.] 

Message from President Wilson to the National Conference 
in Moscow, August 26, 1917.^ 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VII, Part 1, p. 67.) 

President of the National Council Assembly ^ Moscow: 

I take the liberty to send to the members of the great council 
now meeting in Moscow the cordial greetings of their friends, 
the people of the United States, to express their confidence in 
the ultimate triumph of ideals of democracy and self-government 
against all enemies within and without, and to give their renewed 
assurance of every material and moral assistance they can extend 
to the Government of Russia in the promotion of the common 
cause in which the two nations are unselfishly united. 

WooDROw Wilson. 



[23-] 

Statement by the Provisional Government, 
October 8, 1917.^ 

{The Messenger of the Provisional Oovernment, October 11, 1917.) 

Great confusion has once more been brought into the life of 
our country. In spite of the swift suppression of the revolt 

iThe National Conference met in Moscow August 26, 1917. It was 
composed of representatives of the four Dumaa, of the Peasants, of the 
Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers* Deputies, of the Municipalities, of the 
Union of Zemstvos and Towns, of Industrial Organizations and Banks, of 
Co-operative Organizations, and of Trade Unions. 

2 Disasters multiplied during the autumn. Riga fell on September 3. 
The revolt under General Kornilov (September 9-15) weakened the Pro- 
visional Government still further. A Democratic Conference on a widely 
representative basis called by the Executive Committee of the Soviets of 
Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies met on September 27. The 
Cabinet was reorganized imder Kerensky and attempted to grapple with the 
difficulties of the situation. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 37 

of General Kornilov, the shocks caused by it are threatening 
the very existence of the Russian Republic. 

Waves of anarchy are sweeping over the land, the pressure 
of the foreign enemy is increasing, counter-revolutionary ele- 
ments are raising their heads, hoping that the prolonged gov- 
ernmental crisis, coupled with the weariness which has seized 
the entire nation, will enable them to murder the freedom of 
the Russian people. 

Great, boundless is the responsibility of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, on whom devolves the historic task of bringing Russia 
to a state where the convocation of the Constituent Assembly 
will be possible. The burden of this responsibility is alleviated 
only by the deep conviction that, united by the common desire 
to save the fatherland and to protect the achievements of the 
Revolution, the representatives of all classes of the Russian 
people will understand the necessity for co-operation with the 
Provisional Government in establishing a firm governmental 
power, capable of realizing the urgent demands of the country 
and bringing it, without further upheavals, to the Constituent 
Assembly, the convocation of which, it is the deep conviction 
of the Provisional Government, cannot be postponed for one 
day. 

Leaving to the Constituent Assembly, the sovereign master 
of Russia, the final solution of all great questions on which the 
welfare of the Russian people depends, the Provisional Govern- 
ment, the personnel of which has now been completed, holds that 
only by carrying out energetically a series of resolute measures 
in all spheres of the life of the State, will it be able to fulfill 
its duty and satisfy the urgent needs of the nation. 

In the firm conviction that only a general peace will enable 
our great fatherland to develop all its creative forces, the Pro- 
visional Government will continue incessantly to develop its 
active foreign policy in the spirit of the democratic principles 
proclaimed by the Russian Revolution. The Revolution has 
made these principles a national possession, its aim being to 
attain a general peace — a peace excluding violence on either side. 

Acting in complete accord with the Allies, the Provisional 
Government will, in the next few days, take part in the confer- 
ence of the Allied Powers. At this conference the Provisional 
Government will be represented, among other Delegates, by one 
who particularly enjoys the confidence of the democratic 
organizations. 



38 RUSSIAN-AJVIERICAN RELATIONS 

At this conference our representatives, together with the 
solution of common questions and military problems, will strive 
towards an agreement with the Allies on the ground of the prin- 
ciples proclaimed by the Russian Revolution. 

Striving for peace, the Provisional Government will, however, 
use all its forces for the protection of the common. Allied cause, 
for the defense of the country, for resolute resistance to any 
efforts to wrest national territory from us and impose the will 
of any foreign power on Russia, and for the repulsion of the 
enemies* troops from the borders of the fatherland. . . . 

For the purpose of securing for the revolutionary authorities 
close contact with the organized public forces and thus impart- 
ing to tlie Government the necessary stability and power, the 
Provisional Government will in the next few days work out and 
publish a decree establishing a Provisional Council of the Re- 
public,^ which is to function until the Constituent Assembly 
convenes. This Council, in which all classes of the population 
will be represented and in which the delegates elected to the 
Democratic Conference will also participate, will be given the 
right of addressing questions to the Government and of securing 
replies to them in a definite period of time, of working out 
legislative acts and discussing all those questions which will be 
presented for consideration by the Provisional Government, as 
well as those which will arise on its own initiative. Resting on 
the co-operation of such a council, the Government, preserving 
in accordance with its oath, the unity of the governmental 
power created by the Revolution, will regard it its duty to con- 
sider the great public significance of such a council in all its 
acts up to the time when the Constituent Assembly will give 
full and complete representation to all classes of the population 
of Russia. 

Standing firmly on this program, which expresses the hopes 
of the people, and calling upon all for immediate and active par- 
ticipation in the preparations for the convocation of the Con- 
stituent Assembly in the shortest period of time, the Provisional 
Government presumes that all citizens of Russia will now rally 
closely to its support for concerted work, in the name of the 
basic and paramount problems of our time, the defense of the 
fatherland from the foreign enemy, the restoration of law and 

1 Tliis body, better known as the Preliminary Parliament, met on 
October 20. Its life was ended by the Bolshevik Revolution on November 7, 
1917. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 39 

order and the leading of the country to the sovereign Con- 
stituent Assembly. 

[24.] 

Kerensky's Interview with The Associated Press, 
November i, 1917.^ 

(New York Times, November 3, 1917.) 

Petrograd, Thursday, November 1. 

In view of reports reaching Petrograd that the impression 
was spreading abroad that Russia was virtually out of the war, 
Premier Kerensky discussed the present condition of the coun- 
try frankly to-day with The Associated Press. . . . 

** Russia has fought consistently since the beginning/' he 
said. **She saved France and England from disaster early in 
the war. She is worn out by the strain and claims as her right 
that the Allies now shoulder the burden." 

The correspondent called attention to widely contradictory 
reports on Russian conditions, and asked the Premier for a 
frank statement of the facts. 

*'It has been said by travelers returning from England and 
elsewhere to America that opinion among the people, not offi- 
cially but generally, is that Russia is virtually out of the war," 
was explained. 

**Is Russia out of the war?" Premier Kerensky repeated the 
words and laughed. ''That," he answered, ''is a ridiculous 
question. Russia is taking an enormous part in the war. One 

1 The interview first appeared on Nov. 2 in a much shorter form. The 
startling headlines given it by some papers resulted in the following state- 
ment by the State Department {New York Times, Nov. 3, 1917) : 

" There has been absolutely nothing in the dispatches received by the 
Department of State from Russia nor in information derived from any 
other sources whatever, to justify the impression created by the Washington 
Post to-day, principally by the headline ' Russia Quits War,' that Russia 
is out of the conflict. A reading of the full interview with Premier 
Kerensky, of which the paper published only an abbreviated and prelimi- 
nary accoimt, itself shows that the headline is entirely unwarranted. 

" Our own advices show that the Provisional Government in Petrograd 
is attacking with great energy the problems confronting it. Reports re- 
ceived from Petrograd by mail and telegraph show that Premier Kerensky 
and his Government, far from yielding to discouragement, are still ani- 
mated by a strong determination to organize all Russia's resources in a 
whole-hearted resistance and carry the war through to a victorious com- 
pletion. At the same time this Government, like those of the Allies, is 
rendering all possible assistance." 



40 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

has only to remember history. Russia began the war for the 
Allies. While she was already fighting, England was only pre- 
paring and America was only observing. 

** Russia at the beginning bore the whole brunt of the fight- 
ing, thereby saving Great Britain and France. People who say 
she is out of the war have short memories. We have fought 
since the beginning and have the right to claim that the Allies 
now take the heaviest part of the burden on their shoulders. 

**At present Russian public opinion is greatly agitated by 
the question: * Where is the great British fleet now that the 
German fleet is out in the Baltic?' 

** Russia/' the Premier repeated, **is worn out. She has 
been fighting one and one-half years longer than England." 

** Could an American army be of use if sent to Russia? " 
was asked. 

**It would be impossible to send one,*' said Kerensky. *'It 
is a question of transport. The difficulties are too great." 

**If America cannot send troops, what would be the 
most useful way for her to help Russia?" was the next 
question. 

**Have her send boots, leather, iron, and," the Premier added 
emphatically, * * money. ' ' 

Premier Kerensky here drew attention to the fact that 
Russia has fought her battles alone. 

** Russia has fought alone — is fighting alone," he said. 
** France has had England to help her from the start, and now 
America has come in." 

The Premier was asked regarding the morale of the Russian 
people and army. He answered: 

**The masses are worn out economically. The disorganized 
state of life in general has had a psychological effect on the 
people. They doubt the possibility of the attainment of their 
hopes. ' ' 

**What is the lesson to the democracies of the world of the 
Russian Revolution?" 

**This," Premier Kerensky replied, *'is for them to find out. 
They must not lose faith in the Russian Revolution because it 
is not a political revolution but an economic one and a revolu- 
tion of facts. The Russian Revolution is only seven months old. 
No-one has the right to feel disillusioned about it. It will take 
years to develop. 

**In France, which is only as large as three Russian depart- 



ij 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 41 

ments (States) it took five years for their revolution to develop 
fully." 

Asked what he expected from the Constituent Assembly, the 
Premier said: 

**The Constituent Assembly begins a new chapter in the 
history of the revolution. Its voice certainly will be the most 
important factor in the future of Russia." 

*'What future do you picture for Russia after the war? 

** No-one can draw any real picture of the future," Kerensky 
said. '* Naturally a man who really loves his country will hope 
for all good things, but that is only his viewpoint which may 
or may not be accepted by others." 



[*5.] 
Decree of Peace. 

ADOPTED UNANIMOUSLY AT A MEETING OF THE ALL-RUSSIAN CON- 
VENTION OF SOVIETS OP workers', SOLDIERS*, AND PEASANTS* 
DEPUTIES, ON NOVEMBER 8, 1917. 

{Izvestia, November 9, 1917.) 

The Workers' and Peasants' Government, created by the 
revolution of the 24th and 25th of October (November 6 and 7), 
and based on the Soviet of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' 
Deputies, proposes to all warring peoples and their governments 
to begin immediately negotiations for a just and democratic 
peace. 

An overwhelming majority of the exhausted, wearied, and 
war-tortured workers and the laboring classes of all the warring 
countries are longing for a just and democratic peace — a peace 
which in the most definite and insistent manner was demanded 
by Russian workers and peasants after the overthrow of the 
Tsar's monarchy. Such a peace the Government considers to 
be an immediate peace without annexations (i.e., without seizure 
of foreign territory, without the forcible annexation of foreign 
nationalities) and without indemnities. 

The Government of Russia proposes to all warring peoples 
immediately to conclude such a peace. It expresses its readiness 
to take at once without the slightest delay, all the decisive steps 
until the final confirmation of all terms of such a peace by the 



42 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

plenipotentiary conventions of the representatives of all coun- 
tries and all nations. 

By annexation or seizure of f orei^ territory the Government 
understands, in accordance with the legal consciousness of 
democracy in general, and of laboring classes in particular, any 
addition to a large or powerful State of a small or weak nation- 
ality, without the definitely, clearly, and voluntarily expressed 
consent and desire of this nationality, regardless of when this 
forcible addition took place, regardless also of how developed 
or how backward is the nation forcibly attached or forcibly 
retained within the frontiers of a given State, and finally regard- 
less of the fact whether this nation is located in Europe or in 
distant lands beyond the seas. 

If any nation whatsoever is retained within the frontiers of 
a certain State by force, if it is not given the right of free 
voting in accordance with its desire, regardless of the fact 
whether such desire was expressed in the press, in people's 
assemblies, in decisions of political parties, or rebellions and 
insurrections against national oppression, such plebiscite to 
take place under the condition of the complete removal of the 
armies of the annexing or the more powerful nation; if the 
weaker nation is not given the opportunity to decide the question 
of the forms of its national existence, then its adjoining is an 
annexation, that is, seizure — violence. 

The Government considers it to be the greatest crime against 
humanity to continue the war for the sake of dividing among 
the powerful and rich nations the weaker nationalities which 
were seized by them, and the Government solemnly states its 
readiness to sign immediately the terms of peace which will end 
this war, on the basis of the above-stated conditions, equally 
just for all nationalities without exception. At the same time 
the Government announces that it does not consider the above- 
stated conditions of peace as in the nature of an ultimatum, that 
is, it is ready to consider any other terms of peace, insisting, 
however, that such be proposed as soon as possible by any one 
of the warring countries and on condition of the most definite 
clarity and absolute exclusion of any ambiguousness, or any 
secrecy when proposing the terms of peace. 

The Government abolishes secret diplomacy and on its part 
expresses the firm intention to carry on all negotiations abso- 
lutely openly before all the people, and immediately begins to 
publish in full the secret treaties concluded or confirmed by 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 43 

the Government of land-owners and capitalists from February 
up to November 7, 1917. The Government abrogates absolutely 
and immediately all the provisions of these secret treaties in as 
much as they were intended in the majority of cases for the 
purpose of securing profits and privileges for Russian land- 
owners and capitalists and retaining or increasing the annexa- 
tions by the Great-Russians. 

While addressing the proposal to the governments and peo- 
ples of all countries to start immediately open negotiations for 
the conclusion of peace, the Government expresses its readiness 
to carry on these negotiations by written communications, by 
telegraph, as well as by parleys of the representatives of various 
countries, or at a conference of such representatives. To facili- 
tate such negotiations the Government appoints a plenipoten- 
tiary representative in neutral countries. 

The Government proposes to all the governments and peoples 
of all the warring countries to conclude an armistice immedi- 
ately ; at the same time, it considers desirable that this armistice 
should be concluded for a period of not less than three months 
— ^that is, a period during which it would be fully possible to 
terminate the negotiations for peace with the participation of the 
representatives of all peoples and nationalities drawn into the 
war or compelled to participate in it, as well as to call the pleni- 
potentiary conventions of people's representatives of all countries 
for the final ratification of the terms of peace. 

While addressing this proposal of peace to the governments 
and peoples of all the warring countries, the Provisional 
Workers' and Peasants' Government of Russia appeals also in 
particular to the class conscious workers of the three most for- 
ward nations of the world and the largest Statej participating 
in the present war — England, France, and Germany. The 
workers of these countries have been of the greatest service to 
the cause of progress and socialism. We have the great example 
of the Chartist movement in England, several revolutions which 
were of universal historic importance accomplished by the 
French proletariat, and finally the heroic struggle against the 
exclusive law in Germany and the prolonged, stubborn, disci- 
plined work — a work setting an example for the workers of 
the whole world — of creating mass proletarian organizations in 
Germany. All these examples of proletarian heroism and his- 
toric creative work serve as a guarantee that the workers of the 
above-mentioned countries understand the duties which devolve 



44 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

upon them now in the cause of the liberation of humanity from 
the horrors of war and its consequences, a cause which these 
workers by their resolute and energetic activity will help us to 
bring to a successful end — the cause of peace, and, together with 
this, the cause of the liberation of the laboring and exploited. 



[26.] 

Soviet Government's First Note to Allied Ambassadors, 

November 22, 1917.^ 

{Izvestia, November 23, 1917.) 

I herewith have the honor to inform you, Mr. Ambassador, 
that the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Sol- 
diers' Deputies organized on the 8th of November a new Gov- 
ernment of the Russian Republic, the Council of People's 
Commissaries. The chairman of this Government is Vladimir 
Hitch Lenin, and the direction of foreign policy is intrusted to 
me as the People's Commissary of Foreign Aifairs. 

Calling your attention to the text of the proposed armistice 
and democratic peace without annexations and indemnities, and 
on the basis of self-determination of nations which was approved 
by the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' 
Deputies, I have the honor to request you to consider the above- 
mentioned document as a formal proposal for an immediate 
armistice on all fronts and the immediate opening of peace nego- 
tiations, with which proposal the plenipotentiary Government of 
the Russian Republic appeals simultaneously to all the warring 
peoples and their governments. 

Accept assurances, Mr. Ambassador, of the sincere respect 
of the Soviet Government for the people of the United States, 
who like all other people are worn out by this unexampled 
butchery and who cannot but aim for peace. 

(signed) People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 

L. Trotsky, 
Managing Secretary of the Council 
of People's Commissaries, 

Vladimir Bonch-Bruevich. 

Witnessed by Secretary N. Gorbunov. 
iNo reply to this is recorded. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 45 



[27.] 

Note from Soviet Government to Representatives of the 
following Neutral Countries — Norway, the Netherlands, 
Spain, Switzerland, Denmark, and Sweden, November 
23, 1917- 

{Izvestiay November 24, 1917.) 

On the 8th of November, in accordance with the decision of 
the convention of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Depu- 
ties, I addressed, in the name of the Council of People's Com- 
missaries, a proposal to the Allied Embassies to begin negotia- 
tions regarding an immediate armistice on all fronts and 
regarding a democratic peace without annexations and in- 
demnities based on self-determination of peoples. At the same 
time the Council of People's Commissaries instructed the 
Military Authorities and the delegates of the Republican 
Army to enter into preliminary pourparlers with the mili- 
tary authorities of the enemy's armies for the purpose of at- 
taining an immediate armistice on our fronts as well as on all 
fronts. 

While informing you of this, Mr. Minister, I have the honor 
to request you to do all that is possible in order that our pro- 
posal for an immediate armistice and a beginning of peace nego- 
tiations should in an official manner be brought to the knowledge 
of the enemy Governments. 

At the same time I express the hope that you, Mr. 
Minister, will do everything possible in order fully to inform 
the public opinion of the people whose Government you 
represent about the steps taken by the Soviet Government for 
peace. 

The laboring masses of neutral countries are suffering the 
greatest misfortunes as the result of that criminal butchery 
which, if it should not be ended, threatens to draw into its whirl- 
pool the few peoples still outside cf the war. The demand 
for an immediate peace is therefore the demand of the mass of 
the people of all countries, whether warring or neutral. The 
Soviet Government firmly hopes, therefore, to find the most 
whole-hearted support in the struggle for peace from the labor- 
ing masses of the neutral countries and requests you, Mr. Min- 
ister, to accept our assurances of the readiness of the Russian 



46 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

democracy to strengthen and develop most friendly relations 
with the democracies of all countries. 

(signed) People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 

L. Trotsky. 
November 23, 1917. 

[28.] 

Replies to the Soviet Note of November 23. 

REPLY OF THE SPANISH AMBASSADOR TO THE SOVIET 
NOTE OP NOVEMBER 23. 

(Izvestia, November 27, 1917.) 

Petrograd, November 24, 1917. 
To tJie People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs: 

I had the honor to receive your note. No. 83, dated Novem- 
ber 23, in which you inform me regarding the proposal of the 
People's Commissaries to the representatives of Allied powers 
to conclude an immediate armistice and to start negotiations for 
peace. 

Acknowledging the receipt of this note, I hasten to inform 
you, Mr. Commissary, that in accordance with your just desire, 
I will not fail this very day to transmit to my government by 
telegraph the contents of the above-mentioned note in order that 
my government may be able to make it known to the Spanish 
people, and also to use all necessary efforts in order to assist 
in the conclusion of peace which is so desired by all humanity. 

Taking the opportunity, Mr. Commissary, to express to you 
my assurances of most sincere respect, 

Harrido Cieneros, 
Spanish Ambassador. 

REPLIES OF THE NORWEGIAN, SWEDISH, AND SWISS MINISTERS TO 
THE NOTE OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT OF NOVEMBER 23. 

{Izvestia, November 28, 1917.) 

Mr. Commissary: 

I had the honor to receive your letter of the 23rd of No- 
vember and have taken the proper steps. 

Accept assurances of respect. 

Signature . 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 47 



[29.] 

Letter from General Judson to the Chief of the Russian 
General Staff, November 25, 191 7. 

12/25 November, 1917. 
To the 
Chief of the Russian General Staff, 
Petrograd. 
Excellency : 

There has been brought to my attention the following press 
communication from the United States: 

* ' The American Government has announced that no shipments 
of military supplies and provisions to Russia will be effected 
until the situation of this country will be established. The gov- 
ernment before permitting the export of American products 
wants to know into whose hands they will get in Russia. The 
exports to Russia will be resumed only after the formation of a 
steady government which can be recognized by the United States, 
but if the Bolsheviks will remain in power and will put through 
their program of making peace with Germany, the present 
embargo on exports to Russia will remain in force. The credits 
to the Provisional Russian Government reach to the present day 
325 million dollars, of which 191 millions have already been 
appropriated; the larger part of this money has already been 
spent for the purchase of supplies, which are ready for loading. 
The ships allotted by America for the carrying of this freight 
are ready for sailing, but do not receive permission to leave the 
ports and they will be refused coal." 

It occurs to me that it is but fair to convey to your Excel- 
lency the circumstance that neither I nor the American Ambas- 
sador has as yet received from the United States of America 
instructions or information similar to that contained in the press 
report above quoted. Nevertheless, it seems but fair to express 
to your Excellency the opinion that the press report correctly 
states the attitude of the Government of the United States. We 
are in daily expectation of receiving information similar to that 
conveyed by the above-mentioned press report. 

Before sending you this communication I have submitted it 
to the American Ambassador who concurs in the expressions 
contained in it. 



48 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to your Excel- 
lency the assurance of my high consideration. 

(signed) W. V. Judson, 

Brig. Genl. U. S. Army, Amer. Military Attache, 
Chief of American Military Mission to Russia. 



[30.] 

Statement issued to the Press by Colonel William Boyce 
Thompson, with regard to American Supplies, November 
27, 1917.^ 

I have been shown a statement that implies that America 
will stop all supplies to Russia and gives an opinion that this is 
the to-be-expected American attitude. 

Since the Revolution of October 23-27 th (November 5-9), no 
suggestion has been made by any one in authority that ship- 
ments of American Red Cross supplies for Russia would be dis- 
continued. All our plans are based upon the assurance of ship- 
ments to Russia of Red Cross supplies including milk and shoes. 
No intimation has been received that they will be changed. 

Wm. B. Thompson, 
Lieut.Col. Commanding Ameri- 
can Red Cross Mission in Russia. 



[31-] 

Second Letter from General Judson to the Chief of the 
Russian General Staff, November 28, 191 7. 

14/28 November, 1917. 
To the 
Chief of the Russian General Staff, 
Petrograd, 
Excellency : 

Referring to my letter of 12/25th November, 1917, relating 
to a quotation from American press reports, I desire to say that 

1 Colonel William Boyce Thompson was the second head of the Amer- 
ican Red Cross Mission in Russia, having succeeded Colonel Frank Billings. 
Colonel Thompson left Russia the end of November and Col. Raymond 
Robins became commander of the Mission. Colonel Robins went to Russia 
as a Major in the Red Cross in July, 1917, and served in that capacity 
until he took command. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 4^ 

nothing therein should be construed as indicating that my gov- 
ernment has or may be expected to express preference for the 
success in Russia of any one political party or element over 
another. Americans have the greatest sympathy for the whole 
Russian people in the complex situation in which they find them- 
selves and do not wish to interfere except helpfully in the solu- 
tion of any Russian problem. Their sympathy extends to all 
sections of the Russian people. Their representatives here are 
now informed that no important fraction of the Russian people 
desires an immediate separate peace or armistice. And it is 
certainly within the rights of Russia, in the position in which 
she now finds herself, to bring up the question of a general peace. 
There is no reason why the attitude of her Allies toward 
Russia or toward any important elements in Russia should be 
upon anything but a most friendly foundation. 

I desire to avail myself of this occasion to renew to your 
Excellency the assurance of my high consideration. 

(signed) W. V. Judson, 

Brigadier General, U. S. Army, American Military 
Attache, Chief of American Military Mission to Russia. 



[32.] 

Statement by Allied Military Attaches at the Russian Staff 
Headquarters, November 23, 191 7. 

(Izveatia, November 27, 1917.) 

On the 23rd of November the military agents of the Allied 
powers addressed a statement to General Duklionin which in 
part says: 

**The Chiefs of the Missions accredited to the Russian Su- 
preme Command, acting on the basis of definite instructions 
received from their governments through the plenipotentiary 
representatives in Petrograd, have the honor to state a most 
energetic protest to the Russian Supreme Command against the 
violations of the terms of the treaty of the 5th of September, 
1914, made by the Allied powers, by which treaty the Allies, 
including Russia, solemnly agreed not to make a separate 
armistice, nor to cease military activities. The undersigned, 
heads of Military Missions, consider it their duty also to inform 



50 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

your Excellency that any violation of the treaty by Russia will 
be followed by most serious consequences/' 



[33.] 

Statement by the Chief of the French Military Mission, 
General Berthelot, addressed to General Dukhonin, Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Russian Armies, November 25, 
1917.1 

(Izvestia, November 27, 1917.) 

Mr. General: 

I have the honor to bring to your knowledge a telegram 
received by me from the Chairman of the Council of Ministers 
and the War Minister: 

*'In the communication from Russian Headquarters of the 
21st of November, nothing is said about the situation at the 
front and instead of that an order of the Council of People's 
Commissaries is given which tells the Supreme Commander-in- 
Chief to begin negotiations with the military authorities of the 
enemy for the immediate cessation of hostilities and to start 
peace negotiations. 

**I request you to inform the Russian Supreme Command to 
which you are attached that France will not recognize a Govern- 
ment of the Council of People's Commissaries, and fully believ- 
ing in the patriotism of the Russian Supreme Command, she 
expects that the latter will categorically repudiate all criminal 
negotiations, and will hold the Russian Army at the front facing 
the common enemy. 

*' Moreover, France considers herself bound to Russia by pre- 
vious military agreements, and had already stated and now once 
more definitely states that she will not recognize any govern- 
ment in Russia capable of entering into an agreement with the 
enemy.'* 

I beg you to accept, Mr. General, assurances of my high 
regard and consideration. 

(signed) Beethelot. 

Jassy, November 25, 1917, 
No. 01445. 

1 On November 22 Krylenko had been appointed by the Soviet Govern- 
ment Commander-in-Chief of the Russian armies in place of General 
Dukhonin. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 51 

[34.] 

Note from the Soviet Government to the Diplomatic Repre- 
sentatives of Allied Countries regarding the Beginning of 
Armistice Negotiations, November 28, 1917.^ 

(Izveatia, November 30, 1917.) 

In reply to a formal proposal of the Council of People's 
Commissaries for the opening of negotiations for an immediate 
armistice on all fronts for the purpose of concluding a demo- 
cratic peace without annexations and indemnities, with the right 
of all nations to self-determination, the German Supreme Com- 
mand replied affirmatively. All documents and facts concerning 
this matter were published by me in the bulletins of the Central 
Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' 
Deputies. 

Hostilities have ceased on the Russian front. Preliminary 
negotiations will start on the 2nd of December. The Council 
of People's Commissaries, now as well as formerly, considers it 
necessary to have simultaneous^ negotiations together with all 
the Allies for the purpose of attaining a speedy armistice on all 
fronts and securing a general democratic peace. 

The Allied Governments and their diplomatic representatives 
in Russia are kindly requested to reply whether they wish to 
take part in the negotiations which are to begin on the 2nd 
of December at five o'clock in the afternoon. 

(signed) People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 

L. Trotsky. 

[35.] 

Statement by the British Embassy, November 29, 191 7. 

(Izvestiay December 1, 1917.) 

In view of various rumors spread throughout the city regard- 
ing the attitude of the Allied Embassies to the Council of Peo- 
ple's Commissaries, the Embassy of Great Britain, while await- 

1 November 28. Russian Commander-in-Chief orders hostilities to 
cease. 

November 30. Preliminary negotiations for a truce with the Germans. 
December 1. Truce with the Austriana. 



52 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

ing final instructions from its Government wishes to state the 
following : 

In an interview with the correspondent of the Renter Agency, 
Lord Robert Cecil was alleged to have stated that the Govern- 
ment of Great Britain could not recognize the new Russian Gov- 
ernment and had instructed its Ambassador to abstain from any 
actions which might be considered as recognition by him of the 
accomplished coup d'etat. 

Mr. Trotsky's letter to the Ambassador, with the proposal 
of a general armistice, was received by the Embassy nineteen 
hours after the receipt by the Russian Supreme Commander-in- 
Chief of the order to open immediate negotiations for an 
armistice with the enemy. The Allies therefore were confronted 
by an accomplished fact, the preliminary discussion of which 
they had not participated in. Although all communications of 
Mr. Trotsky were immediately transmitted to London, the Am- 
bassador of Great Britain cannot possibly reply to notes 
addressed to him by a Government not recognized by his own 
Government. Further, governments like that of Great Britain 
whose authority comes directly from the people, have no right 
to decide problems of such importance until they are definitely 
informed whether their intended decision will meet with the 
complete approval and support of their electors. 

This is why they cannot get off with ill-considered replies. 

Petrograd, November 29, 1917. 



[36.] 

Reply of the Soviet Government to the Statement of the 
British Embassy, November 30, 191 7. 

{Izvestia^ December 1, 1917.) 

Regarding the statement of the British Embassy received by 
us, we consider it necessary to make the following explanations 
on the basis of information received by us in the People's Com- 
missariat of Foreign Affairs. 

The open proposal of an immediate armistice on all fronts, 
Allied and enemy, was made by the second All-Russian Congress 
of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies on November 8. 
Thus three days before the sending of the note by the People's 
Commissary of Foreign Affairs, the Allied Governments and 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 53 

Embassies were fully and correctly informed about the actions 
of the Soviet Government. It is clear, therefore, that the 
People's Commissaries had absolutely no interest in making the 
note known to the German authorities before making it known 
to the Allied Embassies. The note addressed to the Allies and 
the radio telegraph order to General Dukhonin were written and 
sent simultaneously. If it is true that the Embassies received 
the note later than Dukhonin, it is explained entirely and con- 
clusively by secondary technical reasons which have no connec- 
tion whatsoever with the policy of the Council of People's Com- 
missaries. 

There is no doubt, however, that the Council of People's 
Commissaries made its appeal to the German military authorities 
independent of the approval or disapproval of the Allied Gov- 
ernments. In this sense the policy of the Soviet Government 
is absolutely clear. Not considering itself bound by the formal 
obligations of the old Governments, the Soviet Government 
in its struggle for peace is guided only by principles of democ- 
racy and the interests of the world's working classes. And 
this is why the Soviet Government is aiming at a general 
and not a separate peace. It is convinced that by the united 
efforts of the peoples against the imperialistic governments such 
a peace will be assured. 



[37-] 

Statement by Lieutenant-Colonel Kerth to General Dukhonin, 

November 27, 19 17. 

(Izveatiaf December 1, 1917.) 

To his Excellency, General Dukhonin, Supreme Commander- 
in-Chief of the Russian Army: 
Your Excellency: 

In accordance with definite instructions of my Government 
transmitted to me by the Ambassador of the United States of 
America in Petrograd, I have the honor to inform you that 
in view of the fact that the Republic of the United States is 
carrying on a war in alliance with Russia, which war has as its 
basis the struggle of democracy against autocracy, my Govern- 
ment categorically and energetically protests against any sepa- 
rate armistice which may be made by Russia. 



54 RUSSIAN- AMERICAN RELATIONS 

I request your Excellency not to refuse to inform me in 
writing regarding the receipt of this communication, and to 
accept the expression of my sincere respect. 

(signed) Lieutenant-Colonel M. Kerth, 

Representative of the Army of the 
United States of America with the 
Staff of the Supreme Commander- 
in-Chief. 



[38.] 

Statement by Trotsky regarding the Note of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Kerth, December i, 1917. 

(Imvestia, December 1, 1917.) 

Lieutenant-Colonel M. Kerth, a representative of the Army 
of the United States of America, with the Staff of the Supreme 
Commander-in-Chief, and Mr. Lavergne, Chief of the French 
Mission, considered it possible to address official documents to 
the former Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Dukhonin, 
who was removed by the Council of People ^s Commissaries for 
insubordination to the Soviet Government. At the same time 
the military representatives of the Allied Governments allowed 
themselves to call upon General Dukhonin to carry out a policy 
directly contrary to the one carried out by the Council of Peo- 
ple's Commissaries in full agreement with the Congress of 
Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. 

Such a state of affairs cannot be tolerated. Nobody demands 
from the present Allied diplomats the recognition of the Soviet 
Government. But at the same time the Soviet Government, 
which is responsible for the fate of the country, cannot allow 
Allied diplomatic and military agents for any purpose to inter- 
fere in the internal life of our country and attempt to fan civil 
wars. Further steps in the same direction will immediately pro- 
voke the most serious complications, the responsibility for which 
the Council of People's Commissaries refuses beforehand to 
accept. 

(signed) People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 

L. Trotsky. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 55 

[39-] 

Statement by the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, 
regarding the Visit of General Judson to Trotsky, 
December i, 1917. 

{Izvestia, December 2, 1917.) 

THE CHIEF OF THE AMERICAN MILITARY MISSION VISITS THE 
COMMISSARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

Yesterday on the 1st of December General Judson, Chief 
of the American Mission, visited Comrade Trotsky at Smolny. 
The General stated that at the present time he had no right to 
speak in the name of the American Government, as the recogni- 
tion of the Soviet Government had not yet taken place, but that 
he had come in order to start relations, and to make clear certain 
conditions, and to clear up certain misunderstandings. General 
Judson inquired whether the new Government was aiming to end 
the war in conjunction with the Allies, who, according to the 
General, will hardly be able to participate in the negotiations 
on the 2nd of December. Comrade Trotsky briefly explained 
to the General the policy of the Soviet Government in the course 
of the struggle for a general peace. The principal circumstance 
which was emphasized by the People's Commissary of Foreign 
Affairs was full publicity of all future negotiations. The Allies 
can follow every stage in the development of the peace negotia- 
tions and therefore may join them during one of the later stages. 

General Judson asked for permission to transmit this reply 
to his Government and in conclusion said: 

**The time of protests and threats addressed to the Soviet 
Government has passed, if that time ever existed." 

The General asked whether the People's Conunissary insisted 
on explanations regarding the incidents which took place (pro- 
tests by the members of the American Military Mission). Com- 
rade Trotsky replied that the formal side of the affair was of no 
interest and might be considered closed by the statement of the 
General that **the time of threats and protests addressed to the 
Soviet Government has passed." 



56 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

[40.] 

Note from Trotsky to the Allied Ambassadors, 
December 6, 1917.^ 

(Izvestiay December 7, 1917.) 

The negotiations opened between the delegates of Germany, 
Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria on the one hand and 
the delegates of Russia on the other were suspended at the 
initiative of our delegation for one week in order to give an 
opportunity during this time to inform the peoples and the 
Governments of the Allied countries regarding the fact itself of 
the negotiations and regarding the turn they have taken. 

On the Russian side it is proposed: 

1. That announcement be made that the proposed armistice 
has for its aim a peace on a democratic basis on the lines for- 
mulated in a manifesto of the All-Russian Congress of Workers' 
and Soldiers' Deputies; 

2. That the condition of the armistice is to be the non- 
transfer of troops from one front to another; 

3. That the Island of Moonzund be evacuated. 

With regard to the aims of the war, the delegates of the op- 
posing side evaded a definite reply, stating that their instruc- 
tions were to deal with the military side of the armistice exclu- 
sively. In the same manner regarding the question of a genial 
armistice, the delegates of the opposing side claimed that they 
had no authority for the consideration of the question of an 
armistice with countries the delegates of which did not partici- 
pate in the negotiations. 

On their part the delegates of the opposing side proposed 
terms of an armistice on the front from the Baltic to the Black 
Sea, the length of the armistice to be twenty-eight days. At 
the same time the delegates of the opposing side agreed to trans- 
mit to their Governments the proposal of the Russian delegation 
for an immediate address to all warring countries, that is to all 
Allied countries besides Russia, of an offer to participate in 
the negotiations. 

In view of the refusal of our delegation to sign in the 
present stage of negotiations a formal armistice, it was once more 
agreed to cease hostilities for a week and to cease for the same 
period also negotiations for an armistice. 

2 Negotiations for an Armistice began at Brest-Litovsk on December 3w 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 57 

Thus, between the first decree of the Soviet Government re- 
garding peace (November 8) and the time of the coming renewal 
of the peace negotiations (December 11), a period of over a 
month will elapse. This time limit is considered, even with the 
present disorganized means of international communication, ab- 
solutely sufficient to give an opportunity to the Governments 
of the Allied countries to define their attitude to the peace nego- 
tiations: — that is, to express their readiness or their refusal to 
participate in the negotiations for an armistice and peace, and 
in the case of a refusal to openly state before the world, clearly, 
definitely, and correctly, in the name of what purpose must the 
people of Europe bleed during the fourth year of war. 

(signed) People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 

L. Trotsky. 



[41.] 

Cable from Edgar G. Sisson ^ to George Creel, 
December i8, 19 17. 

Creel, Compub: Washington, (District Columbia, U.S.A.) 

December eighteenth. News delay is at Washington due 
apparently to non-receipt of my cable sent from Moscow Decem- 
ber ninth in which I reported wireless disability and asked res- 
toration cable service. Westnik ^ waits for it. In same message 
reported that Russki Slovo had printed two columns President's 
message sent by us.^ Paper since suppressed but not for this 

1 Mr. Edgar G. Sisson arrived in Russia about November 25. He was 
Vice-Chairman of the Committee on Public Information (of which Mr. 
George Creel was Chairman) and special representative of the Committee 
in Russia. Mr. Sisson later prepared a report which embodied the so-called 
" Sisson Documents " published by the Committee on Public Information 
under the title of the German-Bolshevik Conspiracy. 

2 Cable name for the Petrograd Telegraph Agency which was the offi- 
cial Soviet Press Bureau. 

3 In his Message to Congress, December 4, 1917, President Wilson said: 
" You catch with me the voices of humanity that are in the air. They 

grow daily more audible, more articulate, more persuasive, and they come 
from the hearts of men everywhere. They insist that war shall not end 
in vindictive action of any kind; that no nation or people shall be robbed 
or punished because the irresponsible rulers of a single country have them- 
selves done deep and abominable wrong. It is this thought that has been 
expressed in the formula, No annexations, no contributions, no punitive 
indemnities. 

" Just because this crude formula expresses the instinctive judgment 



58 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

action. Since then Pravda, government paper Petrograd, also 
printed large part. First days use of extracts also extensive. 
All of reading Russia has had parts of message. Got copy from 
Ambassador and had it translated at once. Million copies in 
pamphlet form in process. 

Brought Bullard from Moscow. Made him head news service. 
Graham Taylor junior head of Petrograd office. Asked from 
State Department assignment MacGowan similarly at Moscow. 
No reply but he is helping. Bullard left free for movement 
between both offices. Translators hired both places and business 
headship arranged. Close co-operation with Summers.^ Before 
arrival Corse ^ had resigned and is leaving Russia. Hart^ not 
here and no word yet of other film party. Love to family. Let- 
ters should be arriving. Address me Hotel Europe direct includ- 
ing cable news. 

SiSSON, COMPUB. 

Care The American Red Cross in Russia. 
Petrograd, December 5/18th, 1917, Tuesday. 



[42.] 

Denial by the American Military Mission of the Presence of 
American Officers with General Kaledin.* 

{Izvestia, December 19, 1917.) 

The American Military Mission in Petrograd states: 
The Military Mission at the head of which I am, has no rep- 
resentative or agent in the Eastern part of Russia, and has no 
connection with Kaledin or anybody else. The entire Mission 

as to the right of plain men everywhere it has been made diligent use of 
by the masters of German intrigue to lead the people of Russia astray, and 
the people of every country their agents could reach, in order that a prema- 
ture peace might be brought about before autocracy has been taught its 
final and convincing lesson and the people of the world put in control of 
their own destinies. 

" But the fact that a wrong use has been made of a just idea is no 
reason why a right use should not be made of it. It ought to be brought 
imder the patronage of its real friends." 

1 Maddin Summers, American Consul General at Moscow. 

2 Frederick Corse, an official of the New York Life Insurance Com- 
pany in Russia. 

3 Member of Committee on Public Information. 

•* General Kaledin was Cossack commander in the southeast, opposed 
to the Soviet Government. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 59 

is here. At the present time our Lieutenant-Colonel Kerth has 
been recalled from Mohilev. 



[43-] 

Communication from Captain Juan of the French Military 
Mission to the Russian Commander-in-Chief, December 
22, 1917. 

{Izvestia, December 23, 1917.) 

Captain Louis Juan of the French Military Mission to the 
Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Armies. 

In addition to our conversation of the 18th of December, I 
am ordered by General Niessell, the Chief of the French Military 
Mission in Russia, to inform you of the following: 

1. He had ordered General Lavergne, the Chief of the Mis- 
sion attached to the Staff, to go to Petrograd a few days ago and 
to stay temporarily in Petrograd for official duties. General 
Lavergne left Kiev on the 16th of December. 

2. During the absence of General Lavergne I remain attached 
to the Staff as the representative of the French Mission. 

3. I am authorized to enter into official relations with the 
Russian Supreme Command as soon as the rest of my colleagues 
receive from their Governments corresponding instructions. 

4. I was ordered to return here the archives of the Mission. 
Reporting to you the order received from my Chief, I once 

more ask you to accept the assurances of my devotion to the 
Russian Army and the Russian nation, and the expression of my 
hope that the cordial relations which I have had with you and 
the officers of the Staff will continue in the future. 

(signed) L. Juan. 



60 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



[44-] 

Cable from Colonel Raymond Robins to Henry P. Davison,* 
sent through the American Embassy, Petrograd, Decem- 
ber 26, 1917. 

PARAPHRASE 

Cipher Telegram sent December 27, 1917 

American Embassy, 
Petrograd, 
December 27, 1917. 

Counselor's Office. 
Sec. State, Washington: 

2141 December 27th, 4 p.m. For Davison Red Cross from 
Robins : 

*' December 26th, State Department 1920 December 21st. 
Please urge upon the President the necessity of our continued in- 
tercourse with the Bolshevik Government. Otherwise it is impos- 
sible for us to arrange for transportation and distribution of 
supplies, particularly milk. Ambassador approves this statement 
and has advised the State Department to the same effect. 
Alleged statement of Trotsky quoted in your message untrue. 
Statement made by me to Trotsky was from your cables regard- 
ing shipment of supplies.'' Please note my above stated expres- 
sion of approval. 

Francis. 
JWP 

[45.] 

Cable from Henry P. Davison to Colonel Robins, 
January 6, 1918. 

Washington, 

January 6, 1918. 
Bohins, American Red Cross, Hotel Europe, Ptg. : 1512 4. 
State Department has cabled approval your unnumbered 
December 26th. 

Davison. 

1 Henry P. Davison, Director General of the American Red Cross, then 
in Washington. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 61 

[46.] 

Note from Trotsky to the Peoples and Governments of 
Allied Countries regarding Peace Negotiations, December 
29, 1917.^ 

{Izvestia, December 30, 1917.) 

The Peace negotiations which are being carried on at Brest- 
Litovsk between the delegation of the Russian Republic and the 
delegations of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and Bul- 
garia have been interrupted for ten days until January 8, 1918, 
in order to give the last opportunity to the Allied countries to 
take part in further negotiations, and by doing this to secure 
themselves from all consequences of a separate peace between 
Russia and the enemy countries. 

At Brest-Litovsk there are represented two programs — one 
which expresses the point of view of the All-Russian Congress 
of Soviets of Workers*, Soldiers*, and Peasants' Deputies, and 
the other that of the Governments of Germany and her allies. 

The program of the Republic of Soviets is the program of a 
consistent socialistic democracy. This program has for its aim 
the creation of conditions under which, on the one hand, each 
nationality regardless of its will and the state of its development 
would receive complete freedom of national development, and, on 
the other hand, all peoples could be united in economic and cul- 
tural co-operation. 

The program of the Governments of the countries at war with 
us is characterized by their statement that **it is not the inten- 
tion of the Allied Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, 
and Bulgaria) to forcibly annex territories occupied during the 
war." This means that the enemy countries are ready to 
evacuate by a peace treaty the occupied territories of Belgium, 
the Northern Departments of France, Serbia, Montenegro, 
Rumania, Poland, Lithuania, and Courland, in order that the 
future fate of disputed territories should be decided by the 
population concerned in the matter. That step which the enemy 
Governments under the pressure of conditions, and especially of 
their own laboring masses, are taking to meet the program of 

1 December 18. Preliminary conference between the delegations of the 
Central Powers and the Russian delegation at Brest-Litovsk. 
December 20. Beginning of negotiations for peace. 



62 EUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

democracy, consists in their renunciation of new forcible annexa- 
tions and indemnities. But while renouncing new forcible 
annexations, the enemy governments base their conclusion on the 
idea that old annexations, old violations by the strong of the 
weak, are hallowed by historic remoteness. This means that 
the fate of Alsace-Lorraine, Transylvania, Bosnia, Herzegovina, 
etc., on the one hand, and of Ireland, Egypt, India, Indo-China, 
etc., on the other hand, is not to be reconsidered. Such a pro- 
gram is highly inconsistent and presents a plan of unprincipled 
compromise between the aims of imperialism and the resistance 
of the labor democracy. But the very fact of the proposal of this 
program is a great step forward. 

The Governments of the Allied peoples up to now have not 
joined in the peace negotiations for reasons which they stub- 
bornly refused to state. 

Now it cannot be said again that the war is being carried 
on for the liberation of Belgium, of the Northern Departments 
of France, Serbia, etc., because Germany and her allies are 
expressing their readiness to evacuate these territories in case 
of a general peace. Now, after the proposal by the opposite 
side of the terms of peace, general phrases about the necessity 
of carrying on the war to a finish are not sufficient. It is neces- 
sary to clearly and definitely state what is the peace program 
of France, Italy, Great Britain, and the United States : whether 
they demand together with us the right of self-determination 
for the peoples of Alsace-Lorraine, Galicia, Posen, Bohemia, and 
Jugo-Slav territories. If they do, are they ready on their part 
to give the right of self-determination to the peoples of Ireland, 
Egypt, India, Madagascar, Indo-China, etc., in the same way 
that the Russian revolution gave this right to the peoples of 
Finland, Ukraine, White Russia, etc.? For it is clear that to 
demand self-determination for peoples who form part of the 
enemy states and to deny self-determination to peoples of their 
own state or their own colonies means the advance of a program 
of a most open cynical imperialism. If the Governments of the 
Allied countries would display a readiness, together with the 
Russian revolution, to build a peace on the basis of complete 
and unquestionable recognition of the principle of self-deter- 
mination for all peoples and in all states, if they would begin 
with the real granting of this right to the oppressed peoples 
of their own states, it would create international conditions 
under which the compromising, internally-contradictory program 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 63 

of Germany and especially of Austria-Hungary would appear 
in all its inconsistency and would be overcome by the pressure 
of the peoples concerned. 

But up to now the Allied Governments did not demonstrate, 
and owing to their class character could not demonstrate by 
any move whatever a readiness to make a real democratic peace. 
They are no less suspicious of and opposed to the principle of 
national self-determination than the Governments of Germany 
and Austria-Hungary. But regarding this the class-conscious 
proletariat of the Allied countries has as few illusions as we. 

With the existing Governments it is a case of presenting in 
opposition to the program of imperialistic compromise which is 
represented in the peace terms of Germany and her allies, another 
program of imperialistic compromise from the side of Great 
Britain, France, Italy, and the United States. What is the 
program of the latter? In the name of what aims could they 
demand a continuation of the war ? To these questions now, after 
the two programs of peace have been presented at Brest-Litovsk, 
it is necessary to give a clear, definite, categorical answer. 

Ten days separate us from the renewal of peace negotiations. 
Russia will not be bound in these negotiations by the consent of 
the Allied Governments. If the latter continue to sabotage 
the cause of general peace, the Russian delegation will ap- 
pear anyhow for the continuation of negotiations. A separate 
peace signed by Russia would no doubt be a heavy blow to 
the Allied countries, especially to France and Italy. But 
the foreseeing of the inevitable consequences of a separate 
peace must define the policy not only of Russia but also of 
France, Italy, and the other Allied countries. The Soviet Gov- 
ernment until now has struggled by all means for a general 
peace. Nobody can deny the importance of results attained by 
us in this direction. But in the future everything depends on 
the Allied peoples themselves. The question of compelling 
their own Governments to immediately present their peace 
programs and to participate on the basis of them in the nego- 
tiations now becomes a question of national self-preservation 
for the Allied peoples. 

The Russian revolution opened the door to an immediate 
general peace by agreement. If the Allied Governments 
are ready to take advantage of this last opportunity, gen- 
eral negotiations can immediately open in one of the neutral 
countries. In these negotiations on the indispensable condi- 



64 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

tion of their full publicity, the Russian delegation will as before 
defend the program of international socialist democracy as a 
counter-weight to the imperialistic programs of the Governments 
of the enemy as well as the Allied countries. The success of 
our program will depend on to what degree the will of impe- 
rialistic classes will be paralyzed by the will of the revolu- 
tionary proletariat in each country. 

If the Allied Governments in the blind stubbornness which 
characterizes decadent and perishing classes, once more refuse to 
participate in the negotiations, then the working class will be 
confronted by the iron necessity of taking the power out of the 
hands of those who cannot or will not give the people peace. 

During these ten days is being decided the fate of hundi>cds 
of thousands and millions of human lives. If on the French 
and Italian fronts an armistice will not be made now, a new 
offensive just as senseless and merciless and inconclusive as all 
the previous offensives will swallow innumerable victims on both 
sides. 

The ultimate logic of this butchery let loose by the ruling 
class leads to the complete annihilation of the flower of the 
European nations. But the people want to live and have the 
right to. They have the right and they must throw aside all 
those who interfere with their living. 

Addressing to the Governments the last proposal to par- 
ticipate in the peace negotiations, we at the same time promise 
full support to the working class of each country which will 
rise against its national imperialists, against chauvinists, against 
militarists, under the banner of peace, brotherhood of peoples, 
and socialistic reconstruction of society. 

(signed) People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 

L. Trotsky. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 65 



[47-] 

Document given by Ambassador Francis to Colonel Robins, 
January 2, 1918 (No. i). 

(Hearings on Bolshevik Propaganda before a sub-committee of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 65th Congress, 1919, 
p. 1009.) 

SUGGESTED COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMISSAIRE FOR 
FOREIGN AFFAIRS^ 

At the hour the Russian people shall require assistance from 
the United States to repel the actions of Germany and her 
allies, you may be assured that I will recommend to the Ameri- 
can Government that it render them all aid and assistance 
within its power. If upon the termination of the present 
armistice Russia fails to conclude a democratic peace through the 
fault of the Central Powers and is compelled to continue the 
war, I shall urge upon my government the fullest assistance 
to Russia possible, including the shipment of supplies and muni- 
tions for the Russian armies, the extension of credits and the 
giving of such advice and technical assistance as may be wel- 
come to the Russian people in the service of the common purpose 
to obtain through the defeat of the German autocracy the effec- 
tive guarantee of a lasting and democratic peace. 

I am not authorized to speak for my Government on the 
question of recognition, but that is a question which will of 
necessity be decided by actual future events. I may add, how- 
ever, that if the Russian armies now under the command of 
the people's commissaires commence and seriously conduct hos- 
tilities against the forces of Germany and her allies, I will 
recommend to my Government the formal recognition of the 
de facto government of the people's commissaires. 

Respectfully, 



(Note in lead-pencil at bottom: O.K.D.R.F. Subject to 
change by Dept. of which Colonel Robins will be promptly in- 
formed 1/2/18.) 

(In the margin: **To Colonel Robins.") 



1 This was never sent. 



66 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



[48.] 

Document given by Ambassador Francis to Colonel Robins, 
January 2, 1918 (No. 11).^ 

(Hearings on Bolshevik Propaganda before a sub-committee of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 65th Congress, 1919, 
p. 1009.) 

(Note in lead-pencil in margin: *'To Colonel Robins: This is 
substance of cable I shall send to Dept. on being advised by 
you that peace negotiations terminated and Soviet government 
decided to prosecute war against Germany and Austria-Hungary. 
D.R.F. 1/2/18.") 

From sources which I regard as reliable I have received 
information to the effect that Bolshevik leaders fear complete 
failure of peace negotiations because of probable demands by 
Germany of impossible terms. 

Desire for peace is so fundamental and widespread that it 
is impossible to foretell the results of the abrupt termination 
of these negotiations with only alternatives a disgraceful peace 
or continuance of war. 

Bolshevik leaders will welcome information as to what assist- 
ance may be expected from our government if continuance of 
war is decided upon. Assurances of American support in such 
event may decidedly influence their decision. 

Under these circumstances and notwithstanding previous 
cables, I have considered it my duty to instruct General Judson 
to informally communicate to the Bolshevik leaders the assur- 
ance that in case the present armistice is terminated and 
Russia continues the war against the Central Powers, I will 
recommend to the American government that it render all aid 
and assistance possible. Have also told Robins of Red Cross 
to continue his relations with Bolshevik government, which are 
necessary for the present. 

Present situation is so uncertain and liable to sudden change 
that immediate action upon my own responsibility is necessary; 
otherwise the opportunity for all action may be lost. 

Nothing that I shall do will in any event give formal recog- 
nition to the Bolshevik government until I have explicit instruc- 
tions, but the necessitj^ for informal intercourse in the present 

1 This was never sent. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 67 

hour is so vital that I should be remiss if I failed to take the 
responsibility of action. 



[49.] 
Cable from Edgar G. Sisson to George Creel, January 3, 191 8. 

Creel, Compuh: Washington (District Columbia, U.S.A.) 

January third. If President will restate anti-imperialistic 
war aims and democratic peace requisites of America thousand 
words or less, short almost placard paragraphs, short sentences, 
I can get it fed into Germany in great quantities in German 
translation and can utilize Russian version potently in army and 
everywhere. Excerpts from previous statements will not serve. 
Need is for internal evidence that President is thinking of the 
Russian and German common folk in their situation of this 
moment and that he is talking to them. Can handle German 
translating and printing here. 

Obvious of course to you that disclosure German trickery 
against Russia in peace negotiations promises to immensely 
open up our opportunities for publicity and helpfulness. With 
film expedition send supplies of transformers, rheostats, carbons, 
cement rewinders, number four cable. Gaumont or Pathe ma- 
chines preferable account convenience local repairs. Intersperce 
thousand foot comedies with educational reels. Soon as pos- 
sible themes of some educational films should be built into emo- 
tional dramas five to eight thousand feet. Choose film leader 
carefully. No American not kindly and democratic must come 
into Russia. Smith is competent, can handle advertising if 
necessary and attached him to my staff December first. First 
film has gone admirably. 

Presently may be desirable to start our own newspaper. It 
is mechanically feasible. What is your view? Would need 
desk man as capable as Rochester to get out paper. Would Sam 
Adams come to swing writing end, devoting himself solely to 
this work? Put some general news in cable. Several short 
items better than one long one. Could you utilize few para- 
graphs return service? Cable tolls low outgoing. Have you 
seen Thompson? 

Sisson, Compub. 
Care American Red Cross in Russia, Hotel d 'Europe. 
Petrograd, Thursday, December 21/January 3, 1918. 



68 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

[50.] 

President Wilson's Address to Congress, January 8, 1918. 

( President Wilson's Foreign Policy. Edited by James Brown Scott. P. 354. ) 

Gentlemen of the Congress: 

Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of the Cen- 
tral Empires have indicated their desire to discuss the objects 
of the war and the possible bases of a general peace. Parleys 
have been in progress at Brest-Litovsk between Russian repre- 
sentatives of the Central Powers to which the attention of all 
the belligerents has been invited for the purpose of ascertaining 
whether it may be possible to extend these parleys into a general 
conference with regard to terms of peace and settlement. The 
Russian representatives presented not only a perfectly definite 
statement of the principles upon which they would be willing 
to conclude peace, but also an equally definite program of the 
concrete application of those principles. The representatives 
of the Central Powers on their part, presented an outline of set- 
tlement which, if much less definite, seemed susceptible of 
liberal interpretation until their specific program of practical 
terms was added. That program proposed no concessions at all 
either to the sovereignty of Russia, or to the preferences of the 
populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant, in a word, 
that the Central Empires were to keep every foot of territory 
their armed forces had occupied, — every province, every city, 
every point of vantage, — as a permanent addition to their terri- 
tories and their power. It is a reasonable conjecture that the 
general principles of settlement which they at first suggested 
originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and 
Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force of their own 
peoples' thought and purpose, while the concrete terms of actual 
settlement came from the military leaders who have no thought 
but to keep what they have got. The negotiations have been 
broken off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in 
earnest. They cannot entertain such proposals of conquest and 
domination. 

The whole incident is full of significance. It is also full of 
perplexity. With whom are the Russian representatives dealing ? 
For whom are the representatives of the Central Empires speak- 
ing? Are they speaking for the majorities of their respective 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 69 

parliaments or for the minority parties, that military and impe- 
rialistic minority which has so far dominated their whole policy 
and controlled the affairs of Turkey and of the Balkan states 
which have felt obliged to become their associates in this war? 
The Russian representatives have insisted, very justly, very 
wisely, and in the true spirit of modern democracy, that the 
conferences they have been holding with Teutonic and Turkish 
statesmen should be held within open, not closed, doors, and all 
the world has been audience, as was desired. To whom have 
we been listening, then? To those who speak the spirit and 
intention of the Resolutions of the German Reichstag of the 
ninth of July last, the spirit and intention of the liberal leaders 
and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and defy that 
spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? 
Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and in open 
and hopeless contradiction? These are very serious and preg- 
nant questions. Upon the answer to them depends the peace 
of the world. 

But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest-Litovsk, 
whatever the confusions of counsel and of purpose in the utter- 
ances of the spokesmen of the Central Empires, they have again 
attempted to acquaint the world with their objects in the war 
and have again challenged their adversaries to say what their 
objects are and what sort of settlement they would deem just and 
satisfactory. There is no good reason why that challenge should 
not be responded to, and responded to with the utmost candor. We 
did not wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have laid 
our whole thought and purpose before the world, not in general 
terms only, but each time with sufficient definition to make it 
clear what sort of definitive terms of settlement must neces- 
sarily spring out of them. Within the last week Mr. Lloyd 
George has spoken with admirable candor and in admirable 
spirit for the people and Government of Great Britain. There 
is no confusion of counsel among the adversaries of the Central 
Powers, no uncertainty of principle, no vagueness of detail. The 
only secrecy of counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the 
only failure to make definite statement of the objects of the war, 
lies with Germany and her Allies. The issues of life and death 
hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has had the 
least conception of his responsibility ought for a moment to 
permit himself to continue this tragical and appalling outpour- 
ing of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradven- 



70 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

ture that the objects of the vital sacrifice are part and parcel 
of the very life of Society, and that the people for whom he 
/ speaks think them right and imperative as he does. 
^/ There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of 

/ principle and of purpose which is, it seems to me, more thrilling 
and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with 
which the troubled air of the world is filled. It is the voice 
of the Russian people. They are prostrate and all but helpless, 
it would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which has 
hitherto known no relenting and no pity. Their power, ap- 
parently, is shattered. And yet their soul is not subservient. 
They will not yield either in principle or in action. Their con- 
ception of what is right, of what it is humane and honorable 
for them to accept, has been stated with a frankness, a largeness 
of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human sym- 
pathy which must challenge the admiration of every friend of 
mankind; and they have refused to compound their ideas or 
^. desert others that they themselves may be safe. They call to 
us to say what it is that we desire, in what, if in anything, 
our purpose and our spirit differ from theirs; and I believe 
that the people of the United States would wish me to respond, 
with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present 
leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hope that 
some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to 
assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty 
and ordered peace. 
/ It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, 
/ when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they 
/ shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings 
J of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone 
vby; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the 
interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked- 
for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy 
fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts 
do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes 
it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with 
justice and the peace of the world to avow now or at any 
other time the objects it has in view. 

We entered this war because violations of right had occurred 
which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own 
people impossible, unless they were corrected and the world 
secured once for all against their recurrence. What we demand 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 71 

in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is 
that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly 
that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like 
our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institu- 
tions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples 
of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the 
peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and 
for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be 
done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the 
world ^s peace, therefore, is our program; and that ppgram, 
the only possible program, as we see it, is this: 

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which 
there shall be no private international understandings of any 
kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the 
public view. 

II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside 
territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas 
may be closed in whole or in part by international action for 
the enforcement of international covenants. 

III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers 
and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among 
all the nations consenting to the peace and associating them- 
selves for its maintenance. 

IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national 
armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with 
domestic safety. 

V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjust- 
ment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of 
the principle that in determining all such questions of sov- 
ereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have 
equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose 
title is to be determined. 

VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a 
settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure 
the best and freest co-operation of the other nations of the 
world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed 
opportunity for the independent determination of her own 
political development and national policy and assure her of a 
sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institu- 
tions of her own choosing ; and, more than a welcome, assistance 
also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. 
The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the 



72 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

months to come will be the acid test of their good will, 
of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from 
their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sym- 
pathy. 

VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated 
and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which 
she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other 
single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among 
the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and deter- 
mined for the government of their relations with one another. 
Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of 
international law is forever impaired. 

VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded 
portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 
1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the 
peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in 
order that peace may be once more made secure in the interest 
of all. 

IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be 
effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. 

X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the 
nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be ac- 
corded the freest opportunity of autonomous development. 

XL Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; 
occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure 
access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states 
to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically 
established lines of allegiance and nationality ; and international 
guarantees of the political and economic independence and ter- 
ritorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered 
into. 

XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire 
should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities 
which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an un- 
doubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested oppor- 
tunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should 
be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and com- 
merce of all nations under international guarantees. 

XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which 
should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish 
populations, which should be assured a free and secure access 
to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 73 

territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international 
covenant. 

XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under 
specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guaran- 
tees of political independence and territorial integrity to great 
and small states alike. 

In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and asser- 
tions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all 
the governments and peoples associated together against the 
Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in 
purpose. We stand together until the end. 

For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight 
and to continue to fight until they are achieved ; but only because 
we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace 
such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations 
to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy 
of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that 
impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of 
learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record 
very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her 
or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We 
do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile ar- 
rangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with 
us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants 
of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept 
a place of equality among the peoples of the world, — the new 
world in which we now live, — instead of a place of mastery. 

Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or 
modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must 
frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent 
dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her 
spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the 
Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose 
creed is imperial domination. 

We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit 
of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs 
through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle 
of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live 
on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether 
they be strong or weak. Unless this principle be made its foun- 
dation, no part of the structure of international justice can stand. 
The people of the United States could act upon no other prin- 



74 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

ciple; and to the vindication of this principle they are ready- 
to devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they 
possess. The moral climax of this, the culminating and final 
war for human liberty, has come, and they are ready to put 
their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integ- 
rity and devotion to the test. 



[5I-] 

Cable from Edgar G. Sisson to George Creel, 
January 13, 1918. 

(District Columbia, U.S.A.) 
Creel, Compuh, Washington: 

January thirteenth. President's speech placarded on walls 
Petrograd this morning. One hundred thousand copies will have 
this display within three days. Three hundred thousand hand- 
bills will be distributed here within five days. Proportionate 
display Moscow by end of week. YMCA agreed distribute 
million Russian and million German copies along line. Other 
channels into Germany being opened. Izvestia, official govern- 
ment newspaper nearly million circulation throughout Russia, 
printed speech in full Saturday morning with comment welcom- 
ing it as sincere and hopeful. Much of other newspaper com- 
ment still cynical but shifting rapidly as speech makes its own 
mighty appeal. German version in hands printer now. Call 's ^ 
editorial useful, also Thompson's interview. What was comment 
Nova Mir, New York Bolshevik paper? Place third allotment 
my credit New York. Will hold balance second allotment in 
New York as moving picture reserve. Will have to transfer 
third to Russia. Before I send bank instructions as to method 
cable rate of rouble exchange. First transfer was unfavorable 
as purchasing value of rouble is only ten cents. In this case 
all right to deposit with National Bank Commerce. 

Sisson, Compub. 
Petrograd, January 13, 1918. 

Care American Red Cross, Hotel d 'Europe. 

1 The New York Call. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 75 



[52-] 

Protest of the Diplomatic Corps in Petrograd regarding the 
Arrest of the Rumanian Minister in Petrograd, January 
14, 1918/ 

{Pravda,2 January 16, 1918.) 

The following memorandum was presented by the American 
Ambassador, Mr. Francis, to Lenin : 

'*We, the undersigned chiefs of the diplomatic missions of 
all nations represented in Russia: United States of America, 
Japan, France, Sweden, Norway, Switzerland, Denmark, Siam, 
China, Serbia, Portugal, the Republic of Argentine, Greece, 
Belgium, Brazil, Persia, Spain, Netherlands, Italy, and Great 
Britain, are profoundly insulted by the arrest of the Rumanian 
Minister, and in confirmation of our solidarity regarding this 
violation of diplomatic immunity recognized for centuries by all 
governments, state the necessity of immediately liberating Mr. 
Diamandi and the members of his legation.'* 
Petrograd, January 14, 1918. 

[53.] 

Resolution Adopted by Constituent Assembly, 
January i8, igiS.^ 

{Dielo,Narvda,^ Ja,nu&Ty 20, 1918.) 

In the name of the peoples of the Russian Republic, the All- 
Russian Constituent Assembly, expressing the firm will of the 

1 The Rumanian Minister was arrested with his staff on January 13, 
1918. The Soviet Government in a statement issued with regard to this 
arrest declared that it had been done in order to call the attention of the 
entire world to the unjustifiable treatment of the Russian troops in Ru- 
mania, who had been surrounded by the Rumanians and cut off from food 
supplies without a declaration of war. 

2 Official organ of the Communist (Bolshevik) Party. 

3 Elections to the Constituent Assembly took place on November 26. 
After several unsuccessful attempts the Assembly was finally allowed to 
convene on January 18. The Palace was filled with Soviet troops. After 
the supremacy of the Soviets had been demanded and refused, the Bol- 
sheviks left in a body. Several resolutions were hurriedly passed. The 
following day the Soviet Government issued a decree abolishing the Con- 
stituent Assembly. 

4 Organ of the Central Committee of the Party of Social Revolu- 
tionistB. 



76 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

people to immediately discontinue the war and conclude a just 
and general peace, appeals to the Allied countries, proposing to 
define jointly the exact terms of a democratic peace acceptable 
to all the belligerent nations, in order to present these terms, on 
behalf of the entire Allied coalition, to the Governments fighting 
against the Russian Republic and her Allies. 

The Constituent Assembly firmly believes that the attempts 
of the peoples of Russia to end the disastrous war will meet with 
a unanimous response on the part of the peoples and Govern- 
ments of the Allied countries, and that by common efforts a 
speedy peace will be attained, which will safeguard the well- 
being and dignity of all the belligerent countries. 

The Constituent Assembly resolves to elect from its midst an 
authorized delegation which will carry on negotiations with the 
representatives of the Allied countries and which will present 
the appeal to jointly formulate terms upon which a speedy ter- 
mination of the war will be possible, as well as for the purpose 
of carrying out the decisions of the Constituent Assembly regard- 
ing the question of peace negotiations with the countries fighting 
against us. 

This delegation is to start immediately under the guidance 
of the Constituent Assembly to carry out the duties imposed 
upon it. 

Expressing, in the name of the peoples of Russia, its regret 
that the negotiations with Germany, which were started with- 
out a preliminary agreement with the Allied democracies, have 
assumed the character of negotiations for a separate peace, the 
Constituent Assembly in the name of the peoples of the Russian 
Democratic Federative Republic takes upon itself the further 
carying on of negotiations with the countries warring with us, 
in order to work towards a general democratic peace, at the 
same time protecting the interests of Russia. 

[54-] 

Cable from Colonel Robins to Colonel William Boyce 
Thompson, January 23, 19 18. 

(U.S.A.) 

William Boyce Thompson, 14 Wall, New York City: 

Ten. January twenty-third. Soviet Government stronger 
to-day than ever before. Its authority and power greatly con- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 77 

solidated by dissolution of Constituent Assembly which was led 
and controlled by Chernoff as permanent president. Acceptance 
of dissolution as final without important protest general 
throughout Russia. Chernoff 's program not essentially different 
from Bolshevik industrial and social program but criticized 
Bolsheviks as unable to conclude peace. Had control finally 
rested with this assembly under such leadership chances are that 
separate peace would have been concluded without regard to 
principles controlling Bolshevik leaders. It becomes increas- 
ingly evident that present leaders without regard to consequences 
will refuse to abandon principles adopted in negotiations with 
Central Powers. Cannot too strongly urge importance of prompt 
recognition of Bolshevik authority and immediate establishment 
of modus Vivendi making possible generous and sympathetic 
co-operation. Sisson approves this text and requests you show 
this cable to Creel. Thacher and Wardwell concur.^ 

Robins. 
Petrograd, Wednesday, January 23, 1918. 



[55.] 

Text of Decree repudiating Russia's Debts, February 8, igi8. 

(New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 1, p. 75.) 

1. All loans contracted by former Russian Governments 
which are specified in a special list are canceled as from Decem- 
ber 1, 1917. The December coupons of these loans will not be 
paid. 

2. All the guarantees for these loans are canceled. 

3. All loans made from abroad are canceled without excep- 
tion and unconditionally. 

4. The short-term series of State Treasury bonds retain their 
validity. The interest on them will not be payable, but they will 
circulate on a par with paper money. 

5. Indigent persons who hold stock not exceeding 10,000 
rubles in internal loans will receive in exchange, according to 
the nominal value of their holdings, certificates in their own 

1 Major Thomas D. Thacher, secretary to the American Red Cross 
Mission in Russia. 

Major Allen D. Wardwell, member American Red Cross Mission in 
Russia. 



78 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

name for a new loan of the Russian Socialist Federal Republic 
of Soviets for an amount not exceeding that of their previous 
holding. The conditions of this loan are specially defined. 

6. Deposits in the State savings banks and the interest upon 
them are not to be touched. All holdings in the canceled loans 
belonging to these banks will be replaced by debt entered to their 
credit in the Great Book of the Russian Socialist Republic. 

7. Co-operative and other institutions of general or demo- 
cratic utility, and possessing holdings in the canceled loans, will 
be indemnified in accordance with the special regulations laid 
down by the Supreme Council of Political Economy, in agree- 
ment with their representatives, if it is proved that the holdings 
were acquired before the publication of the present decree. 

8. The State Bank is charged with the complete liquidation 
of loans and the immediate registration of all holders of bonds 
in the State loans and other funds, whether annulled or not. 

9. The Soviet of the Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants' 
Deputies, in accord with the local economic councils, will form 
committees for the purpose of deciding whether a citizen is to 
be classed as *' indigent." These committees will be competent 
to cancel entirely all savings acquired without working for 
them, even in the case of sums below 5,000 rubles. 



[56.] 

Protest by the Diplomatic Corps in Russia against the 
Repudiation of State Debts. 

{Izvestia, February 15, 1918.) 

All Allied and neutral ambassadors and ministers ac- 
credited to Petrograd, herewith inform the Commissariat of 
Foreign Affairs that they consider all decrees of the Workers' 
and Peasants' Government regarding the repudiation of state 
debts, confiscation of property, etc., in so far as they concern 
the interests of foreign subjects, as non-existent. At the same 
time the ambassadors and ministers state that their Governments 
reserve to themselves the right at any time when they consider 
it necessary, to insistently demand the satisfaction and replace- 
ment of all damage and all losses, which may be caused by the 
operation of these decrees to foreign states in general and to 
their subjects who live in Russia in particular. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 79 



[57.] 

Cable from Colonel Robins to Colonel William B. Thompson, 

February 15, 1918. 

(Hearings on Bolshevik Propaganda before a subcommittee of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 65th Congress, 1919, 
p. 808.) 

Am convinced by daily consideration and reconsideration of 
facts and events as they have occurred since you left Russia 
that Trotsky's astounding answer to Germany at Brest-Litovsk ^ 
was uninfluenced by any consideration other than the purpose 
of international Socialism striving for world revolution. Every 
act of Bolshevik government is consistent with and supports this 
theory. Contrary theory of German control and influence no 
longer tenable. Great values for Allied cause in resulting situa- 
tion depend on continuance of Bolshevik authority as long as 
possible. No other party will refrain from accepting German 
peace or so deeply stir internal forces opposed to German gov- 
ernment. Questions put to Trotsky by Kuhlman after his state- 
ment indicate Germany's disinclination to continue military 
operations if satisfactory trade relations can be re-established. 
Re-establishment of such relations vastly more valuable to Cen- 
tral Empires than conquest of disorganized revolutionary Rus- 
sian territory. Soviet organizations throughout all Russia rep- 
resenting entire laboring and peasant class will not readily 
submit to domination of German troops. This class may in 
time change leadership and policies, but will not relinquish 
power without a struggle and certainly not to an invading 
imperialistic force. Germany, therefore, cannot control exten- 
sive resources by conquest. Any effort to force her terms of 
peace by hostilities will be an attack on Russian revolution and 
will be met vigorously. Greatest danger to Allied cause is re- 
establishment of German commercial relations which may result 
if Germany abandons hostilities and Russia cannot obtain 
American supplies and assistance. Revolutionary Russia having 

1 A separate peace between the Central Powers and the Ukraine was 
signed at Brest-Litovsk on February 9, 1918. The following day Russia 
formally withdrew from the war, while refusing to sign an annexationist 
peace. The Russian delegation, feeling further negotiations hopeless, sent 
out a statement by wireless declaring the war with Germany and Austria- 
Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria at an end, and ordering complete de- 
mobilization on all fronts. 



80 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

broken with German Imperialism and regarding other Allied 
governments as imperialistic will naturally turn to United 
States for commodities and supplies of non-military character 
for which she is willing to exchange surplus metals, oil and 
other raw material vitally necessary to Germany's continued 
prosecution of the war. Conferences now being held with Bol- 
shevik authorities who have expressed willingness to deal on 
this basis vdth United States and desire American assistance 
and co-operation in railway reorganization. Commercial attache 
at Embassy is conducting negotiations and Ambassador will 
strongly urge vigorous action by government. Danger of some 
American supplies ultimately reaching Germany unworthy of 
consideration because supplies Russia needs from America less 
valuable to Germany than supplies America will receive from 
Russia which otherwise would go to Germany. By generous 
assistance and technical advice in re-organizing commerce and 
industry American may entirely exclude German commerce dur- 
ing balance of war. Commercial attache should immediately be 
authorized and ample funds placed at his disposal to enter into 
contracts which will assure control of Russia's surplus products 
most needed by Germany. This should be followed by prompt 
action along lines of our eight and nine. 



[58.] 

Telegram from Colonel Robins to Lenin and Lenin's Reply, 

February 28, 1918. 

Vologda, February 28, 1918. 
2:45 p/m. 
From Colonel Rohins to 

President Council People's Commissaires Lenin: 
Train of American Ambassador Francis arrived Vologda.^ 
All well. Express gratitude Council People's Commissaires for 
co-operation. What is the situation in Petrograd? "What is the 
last news of German offensive? Was peace signed? Did the 
French and British Embassies leave? When and by which 
route? Tell about our arrival Lockhart,^ British Embassy. 

1 In consequence of the German advance the American Embassy left 
Petrograd on February 26, 1918, for Vologda. Several of the Allied Em- 
bassies tried to leave Russia through Finland but, being unsuccessful in 
the attempt, joined the American Embassy at Vologda a few weeks later. 

2 R. H. Bruce Lockhart, British High Commissioner. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 81 

TELEGRAM FROM LENIN TO COLONEL ROBINS. 

(Received February 28th — 3 : 10 p.m. 

Peace not signed. Situation without change. Rest will be 
answered by Petroff, Department of Foreign Affairs. 

(signed) Lenin. 



[59-] 

Note from the Soviet Government, given by Trotsky to 
Colonel Robins for transmission to the American Gov- 
ernment, March 5, 191 8. 

{Congressional Record^ January 29, 1919, p. 2336.) 

In case (a) the all-Russian congress of the Soviets will 
refuse to ratify the peace treaty with Germany, or (b) if the 
German government, breaking the peace treaty, will renew the 
offensive in order to continue its robbers' raid, or (c) if the, 
Soviet government will be forced by the actions of Germany to 
renounce the peace treaty — ^before or after its ratification — and 
to renew hostilities — 

In all these cases it is very important for the military and 
political plans of the Soviet power for replies to be given to the 
following questions: 

1. Can the Soviet government rely on the support of the 
United States of North America, Great Britain, and France in 
its struggle against Germany? 

2. What kind of support could be furnished in the nearest 
future, and on what conditions — military equipment, transporta- 
tion supplies, living necessities? 

3. What kind of support would be furnished particularly 
and especially by the United States? 

Should Japan — in consequence of an open or tacit under- 
standing with Germany or without such an understanding — 
attempt to seize Vladivostok and the Eastern-Siberian Railway, 
which would threaten to cut off Russia from the Pacific Ocean 
and would greatly impede the concentration of Soviet troops 
toward the East about the Urals — in such case what steps would 
be taken by the other allies, particularly and especially by the 



82 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

United States, to prevent a Japanese landing on our Far East, 
and to insure uninterrupted communications with Russia through 
the Siberian route? 

In the opinion of the Government of the United States, to 
what extent — under the above-mentioned circumstances — would 
aid be assured from Great Britain through Murmansk and 
Archangel ? What steps could the Government of Great Britain 
undertake in order to assure this aid and thereby to undermine 
the foundation of the rumors of the hostile plans against Russia 
on the part of Great Britain in the nearest future? 

All these questions are conditioned with the self-understood 
assumption that the internal and foreign policies of the Soviet 
government will continue to be directed in accord with the prin- 
ciples of international socialism and that the Soviet government 
retains its complete independence of all non-socialist govern- 
ments. - 

[60.] 

Cable from R. H. Bruce Lockhart to the British Foreign 

Office, March 5, 1918. 

Secret and Confidential 

Copy of Telegram to Foreign Office 

Despatched March 5, 1918 (written by hand). 

I had a long interview with Trotsky this morning. He in- 
formed me that in a few days the Government will go to Moscow 
to prepare for the Congress on the 12th. At the Congress holy 
war will probably be declared or rather such action will be taken 
as will make a declaration of war on Germany *s part inevitable. 

For the success of this policy, however, it is necessary that 
there should be at least some semblance of support from the 
Allies. He could not say friendly relations, because that would 
be hypocritical on both sides, but suggested some working 
arrangement such as he has already outlined to me in previous 
conversations. If, however, the Allies are to allow Japan to 
enter Siberia, the whole position is hopeless. Every class of 
Russian will prefer the Germans to the Japanese, and he con- 
sidered that the settlement of this question would have the most 
decisive influence at the Congress. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 83 

I need not repeat his numerous arguments against this action 
as I have already reported them in my immediately preceding 
telegram. I would only add that in my opinion and in the 
opinion of such Englishmen as Mr. Harold Williams ^ this action 
is quite unnecessary at the present moment as far as safeguard- 
ing supplies from Siberia is concerned, and secondly that Japa- 
nese intervention in Siberia is likely to do us the most serious and 
lasting harm after the war, ^vith every class of Russian. 

I must make the same remarks about our own action if the 
rumors are true that we are about to occupy Archangel and 
Murmansk. The position here is certainly not yet hopeless. 
The revulsion of feeling against Germany is so strong that some 
form of resistance is almost certain to ensue out of the present 
chaos. If events turn out as I think they will and if you will 
only have some confidence in my judgment, I do not think it 
will be impossible to obtain subsequently a direct invitation from 
the Russian Government to the English and American Govern- 
ments to co-operate in the organization of Vladivostok, Archangel, 
etc. The action, however, which the Allies are said to be con- 
templating does not consider the feelings of the Russian Gov- 
ernment in the slightest and naturally arouses the greatest re- 
sentment. I fear its only result will be to strengthen the Ger- 
man position in Russia both during the war and afterwards, and 
at the same time to destroy all hopes of resistance on the part 
of the Russians themselves. 

I feel sure that you can have no idea of the feeling which 
Japanese intervention will arouse. Even the Cadet Press which 
cannot be accused of Bolshevik sympathies is loud in its denun- 
ciation of this crime against Russia, and is now preaching sup- 
port of any party that will oppose Germany and save the 
revolution. 

If ever the Allies have had a chance in Russia since the 
revolution, the Germans have given it to them by the exorbitant 
peace terms they have imposed on Russia. And now when Ger- 
many's aims have been unmasked to the whole world, the Allies 
are to nullify the benefits of this by allowing the Japanese to 
enter Siberia. 

If H.M.G.^ does not wish to see Germany paramount in 
Russia, then I would most earnestly implore you not to neglect 
this opportunity. 

1 Correspondent of important London newspapers. 

2 His Majesty's Government. 



84 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

The Congress meets on March 12th. Empower me to inform 
Lenin that the question of Japanese intervention has been 
shelved, that we will persuade the Chinese to remove the 
embargo on foodstuffs, that we are prepared to support the 
Bolsheviks in so far as they will oppose Germany and that we 
invite his suggestions as to the best way in which this help can 
be given. In return for this, there is every chance that war will 
be declared (in fact, war between the Bolsheviks and Germany 
is in any case inevitable) and that it will arouse a certain amount 
of enthusiasm. Further, I think I can obtain assurances that 
R.G.^ will at any rate for the present refrain from revolutionary 
propaganda in England. 

I cannot help feeling that this is our last chance. If we 
accept it, we stand to gain considerably, and in any case we can 
lose nothing more than we lost already. 

I leave in a few days for Moscow. Please telegraph your 
answer in duplicate both to Moscow and Petrograd. 

Please show my telegram to the Prime Minister and Lord 
Milner. 

. . (signed) Lockhart. 



[6i.] 

Cable from the American Ambassador to the State 
Department, March g, 1918 (i). 

SPECIAL CIPHER MESSAGE 

March 9, 1918 

Sec. State, Washington: 

Colonel Robins arrived at midnight. He returned from 
Petrograd after an important conference with Trotsky on the 
fifth.^ The result of that conference he wired to me in the code 
of the Military Mission but as the Mission had left for Petro- 
grad of which fact you were advised, with the code, I did not 
learn of the conference until the arrival of Robins an hour ago. 
Since R. left Petrograd, Moscow and Petrograd Soviets have 
both instructed their delegates to the Conference of March 12th 
to support the ratification of the peace terms. I fear that such 

1 The Russian Government. 

2 See Document 59. 



f 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 85 

action is the result of a threatened Japanese invasion of Siberia 
which I have anticipated by sending Wright ^ eastward. 
Trotsky told Robins that he had heard that such invasion was 
countenanced by the Allies and especially by America, and it 
would not only force the Government to advocate the ratifica- 
tion of the humiliating peace but would so completely estrange 
all factions in Russia that further resistance to Germany would 
be absolutely impossible. Trotsky furthermore asserted that 
neither his government nor the Russian people would object 
to the supervision by America of all shipments from Vladivostok 
into Russia and a virtual control of the operations of the Siberian 
railway, but a Japanese invasion would result in non-resistance 
and eventually make Russia a German province. In my judg- 
ment a Japanese advance now would be exceedingly unwise and 
this midnight cable is sent for the purpose of asking that our 
influence may be exerted to prevent same. Please reply immedi- ^ 
ately. More to-morrow. 

Francis. 



[62.] 

Cable from the American Ambassador to the State 
Department, March 9, 19 18 (II). 

PARAPHRASE OF SPECIAL CIPHER 

March 9, 1918 

Sec. State, Washington: 

I have seen the Bolshevik and anti-Bolshevik press since 
sending my cable at 12 'clock last night. Both lay great stress 
upon the threatened Japanese invasion and all harmoniously 
express violent opposition to the same. I am just in receipt of 
a confidential message from Ruggles^ and he reports that 
in accordance with his instructions he has interviewed Trotsky 
besides the Chief of Staff and the French Military Mission; he 
states that as yet it is too early to judge what tke Bolshevik 
leaders can do but thinks their intention is to fight the Germans 
even if peace is ratified by the Moscow AU-Russian Soviet Con- 

1 J. Butler Wright, Counsellor of Embassy. 

2 Col. James A. Ruggles, Chief of American Military Mission and 
Military Attache. 



t 



86 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

gress; he personally urges avoidance of reprisals and occupa- 
tions and states that there is time therefor if the situation 
becomes hopeless later on ; that he will accompany the Russian, 
French, Italian staffs to Moscow March 11th. 

I cannot too strongly urge the folly of an invasion by the 
Japanese now. It is possible that the Congress at Moscow may 
ratify the peace, but if I receive assurance from you that the 
Japanese peril is baseless I am of the opinion that the Congress 
will reject this humiliating peace. The Soviet Government is 
the only power which is able to offer resistance to the German 
advance and consequently should be assisted if it is sincerely 
antagonistic to Germany. In any case the peace ratification only 
gives Russia a breathing spell as the terms thereof are fatal to 
Bolshevikism as well as to the integrity of Russia. 



[63-] 
Telegram from Colonel Robins to Trotsky, March 9, 1918. 

TELEGRAM TRANSMITTED FROM VOLOGDA TO PEOPLE'S COMMISSARY, 
TROTSKY — MARCH 9 — 1 P.M. 

Colonel Robins at the apparatus. The Ambassador and his 
entire staff have settled in Vologda. His stay in Vologda is 
approved by the American Government at Washington by a tele- 
gram sent from Washington on the fourth of March and received 
in Vologda on the sixth. The Ambassador telegraphed to Wash- 
ington an energetic protest against all Japanese plans in 
Siberia. Also telegraphed recommendation of support by the 
United States in ease of a conflict with the Central Powers. The 
Ambassador officially states that he will remain in Russia and 
that the American Embassy will remain in Russia even if it 
should be necessary for the Embassy to maintain itself on wheels. 
Your note ^ has been transmitted. Are leaving for Moscow 
to-morrow. Inform the last important news. 

iNote of March 5, Document 59. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPEES 87 



[64.] 

Telegram from Tchicherin to Colonel Robins, received 

March 9, 19 18. 

American Embassy, for Colonel Bohins: 

The People 's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs warmly thanks 
the American Embassy for the friendly attitude which is being 
shown by it at the present critical time and for assistance 
being given by it in the complications which are arising now 
in the Far East. The People's Commissariat hopes that the 
American Government will act against this unpermissible inter- 
ference in our internal affairs and in the very organization 
of the Soviet Republic which recently took place in Vladivostok 
by all the Allied consuls, including the American. According 
to information received by us from Khabarovsk, the consuls in 
Vladivostok presented an ultimatum protesting against the re- 
organization of local institutions on Soviet lines and the creation 
of a local Red Guard. At the same time the Allied consuls 
stated that they withheld final decision until the following day, 
after which local manufacturers came out with the statement of 
non-recognition of the Council of People's Commissaries and 
of the recognition by them only of the Constituent Assembly. 
The action of the Allied consuls is a step directed against the 
Soviet Government itself. The American Embassy will no doubt 
realize the adverse influence which this action will have. The 
People's Commissariat feels certain that the American Embassy 
will use all means to solve at its earliest convenience this new 
complication. 

Assistant People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 

Tchicherin. 

[65.] 

Cable sent by President Wilson to the All-Russian Congress 
of Soviets at Moscow, March 14-16, 1918. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 1, p. 49). 

May I not take advantage of the meeting of the Congress 
of the Soviets to express the sincere sympathy which the people 
of the United States feel for the Russian people at this moment 
when the German power has been thrust in to interrupt and 



88 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

turn back the whole struggle for freedom and substitute the 
wishes of Germany for the purpose of the people of Russia? 

Although the government of the United States is, unhap- 
pily, not now in a position to render the direct and effective 
aid it would wish to render, I beg to assure the people of Russia 
through the congress that it will avail itself of every opportunity 
to secure for Russia once more complete sovereignty and inde- 
pendence in her own affairs, and full restoration to her great 
role in the life of Europe and the modem world. 

The whole heart of the people of the United States is with 
the people of Russia in the attempt to free themselves forever 
from autocratic government and become the masters of their own 
Ufe. 

WooDRow Wilson. 
Washington, March 11, 1918. 

[66.] 

Cable sent by Samuel Gompers, President of the American 
Federation of Labor, to the All-Russian Congress of 
Soviets, March 14-16, 1918. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 1, p. 49). 

To the All-Russian Soviet, Moscow: 

We address you in the name of world liberty. We assure 
you that the people of the United States are pained by every 
blow at Russian freedom, as they would be by a blow at their 
own. The American people desire to be of service to the Rus- 
sian people in their struggle to safeguard freedom and realize 
its opportunities. We desire to be informed as to how we may 
help. 

We speak for a great organized movement of working 
people who are devoted to the cause of freedom and the ideals 
of democracy. We assure you also that the whole American 
Nation ardently desires to be helpful to Russia and awaits with 
eagerness an indication from Russia as to how help may most 
effectively be extended. 

To all those who strive for freedom we say: Courage! 
Justice must triumph if all free people stand united against 
autocracy! We await your suggestions. 

American Alliance for Labor and Democracy, 
Samuel Gompers, President. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 89 



[67-] 

Resolution adopted by the All-Russian Congress of Soviets 
in reply to President Wilson, March 14-16, 19 18. 

(New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 1, p, 49). 

The congress expresses its gratitude to the American peo- 
ple, above all to the laboring and exploited classes of the United 
States, for the sympathy expressed to the Russian people by 
President Wilson through the Congress of Soviets in the days 
of severe trials. 

The Russian Socialistic Federative Republic of Soviets takes 
advantage of President Wilson's communication to express to 
all peoples perishing and suffering from the horrors of impe- 
rialistic war its warm sympathy and firm belief that the happy 
time is not far distant when the laboring masses of all coun- 
tries will throw off the yoke of capitalism and will establish a 
socialistic state of society, which alone is capable of securing 
just and lasting peace, as well as the culture and well-being of 
all laboring people. 

[68.] 

Speech by Mr. Balfour, British Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs, in Parliament, March 14, 1918. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 1, p. 273.) 

(The speaker took up an inquiry regarding a suggestion of 
Japanese intervention in Siberia. He said the hypothesis that 
whenever one country sends troops into another country those 
troops invariably stay where they are sent, and annexation is 
the result, was false ; if such were the case there would be a bad 
outlook for the north of France. He argued that if the Japanese 
did intervene it would be as friends of Russia and enemies of 
Germany, to preserve the country from German domination, and 
he proceeded thus) : 

Russia lies absolutely derelict upon the waters, and now it 
has no power of resistance at all ; there can be a German penetra- 
tion from end to end of Russia, which, I think, will be abso- 
lutely disastrous for Russia itself, and certainly will be very 
injurious to the future of the Allies. I suspect that at this 



90 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

moment a German officer is much safer traveling at large through 
Russia than an allied officer. Why? Not because the Russians 
love the Germans, but because, as a matter of fact, the German 
penetration has really struck at the root of Russian power. I 
was informed the other day that only one bank was allowed at 
Moscow. That bank is a German bank. 

The Bolshevist government, I believe, sincerely desire — I 
hope not too late, though I fear it may be so — to resist this 
German penetration. How can they resist it when they them- 
selves or their predecessors have destroyed every instrument 
which makes resistance possible? 

Inevitably Russia's allies have to ask themselves whether, if 
Russia herself has destroyed every instrument of self -protection 
which she once possessed, they cannot themselves among them- 
selves supply that which she now lacks. We do that in Russia's 
own interests and for Russia's own sake, if it is done. It is not 
done to satisfy the greed of this or that power. That is the Allies ' 
point of view. May I ask the House to consider the question from 
the Russian point of view? It is impossible to penetrate the 
future. Russia has always been a country of surprises, and that 
she remains at the present moment. What are the things which 
most of us fear for Russia when we look to the future ? Frankly, 
I tell the House what I myself fear for Russia is that: Under 
the impulse, under the shadow of the great revolution, the 
cataclysm of social order has been shaken to its foundations, and 
many disasters, and I fear many crimes, have been committed. 

It is Germany's interest, I believe, to foster and continue 
and promote that condition of disorder. Those who watch her 
methods throughout the world know that she always wishes to 
encourage disorder in every other country but her own. If 
the country is a republic she wishes to introduce absolutism; 
if it is an absolutist Government then she seeks to encourage 
republicanism. She counts it her gain that other Governments 
should be weak, and she knows that there is no better way of 
making other countries weak than by making them divided — 
a house divided against itself. Therefore, I believe that Ger- 
many unchecked will do her best to continue those disorders 
which have unhappily stained the path of the Russian revolu- 
tion. 

What must be the result? The result must be — especially in 
a country where the sense of national unity appears, at all 
events, for the moment to be singularly weak comuared with 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 91 

that which prevails in other civilized countries — that men will 
at last look around and say to themselves, ''This disorder is 
intolerable ; it makes life impossible ; human effort cannot go on ; 
something must be done, good or bad, to put an end to mere 
chaos/* There will therefore be classes in Russia, some with 
patriotic motives, but some with personal and selfish motives, 
who will welcome anything in the world which gives them the 
semblance of a stable, orderly, and civilized Government. 

When that time comes, then I can see Germany will say. 
Now we will step in ; we will, by both the open and subterranean 
methods which we have developed and cultivated, now exercise 
our power in the country. We will re-establish, possibly in the 
same form, possibly in some new form, the autocracy which we 
in this House hoped had gone forever; and you will have in a 
Russia shorn of some of its fairest provinces set up again an 
autocracy far worse than the old autocracy, because it will lean 
upon a foreign power to continue ito existence. Then, indeed, 
if that prophecy came to pass — and I most earnestly hope I 
am in this a false prophet — all our dreams of Russian develop- 
ment and Russian liberty would be gone. Russia under this 
Government would be a mere echo of the Central Powers; she 
would cease to be a make-weight in any sense to German mili- 
tarism. She would have lost all that initiative, all that power 
for self -development that we so earnestly hoped the revolution 
had given her. 

I admit that this picture is dark and somber. Will anybody 
have the courage to say he can draw a horoscope for the future 
more likely to be fulfilled, if Russia remains, as I fear she is 
at this moment, absolutely helpless in face of the German pene- 
tration? It all turns upon that. If Russia could only rouse 
herself now and offer effective resistance to the German invader, 
that might give her a national spirit and sense of unity, and 
make her future far more splendid than her past. Therefore, 
the question will inevitably be asked: Can any of the Allies 
give to Russia in her extremity that help and that sympathy 
of which she so sorely stands in need ? It is help and sympathy 
which the Allies desire to give, and not invasion and plunder. 
I agree that there may be circumstances, prejudices, and feelings 
which render assistance in the East by the only country which 
can give it in the East a question of difficulty and doubt — a 
question which must be weighed in every balance and looked at 
from every point of view ; but that the Allies — America, Britain, 



92 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

France, Italy, and Japan — should do what they can at this 
moment to help Russia, if she fails to help herself, through 
the great crisis of her destiny appears to me to be beyond doubt, 
and I will not reject, a priori, any suggestion which seems to 
offer the slightest solution of our doing any good in that 
direction. 

I do not think this debate should finish without repudiating 
the suggestion made that Japan is moved by selfish and dis- 
honorable motives in any course which may have been discussed 
in Japan, either among her own statesmen or the Allies. Japan 
has maintained perfect loyalty. She has kept all the promises 
made to the Allies. I hope I have said enough to indicate 
the general problems as they present themselves to this Govern- 
ment, and at the same time also to show that we recognize to 
the full how difficult this problem is, how hard it is to help 
a nation which is utterly incapable for the moment of helping 
itself. The House will feel, I think, that the decisions which the 
Allies may have to give are not without difficulty, and the prin- 
ciples upon which those decisions will be come to are neither 
ungenerous, unfair, nor hostile to Russia or the Russian revolu- 
tion; but on the contrary that our one object is to see Russia 
strong, intact, secure, and free. If these objects can be attained, 
then, indeed, and then only, will the Russian revolution bring 
forth all the fruits which Russia's best friends desire to see. 



[69.] 

Statement by the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of 
the Entente, March 19, 1918. 

(New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 1, p. 66.) 

The Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of the Entente, 
assembled in London, feel it to be their bounden duty to take 
note of the political crimes which, under the name of a German 
peace, have been committed against the Russian people. 

Russia was unarmed. Forgetting that for four years Ger- 
many had been fighting against the independence of nations and 
the rights of mankind, the Russian Government in a mood of 
singular credulity expected to obtain by persuasion that 
*' democratic peace'* which it had failed to obtain by war. 

The results were that the intermediate armistice had not 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 93 

expired before the German command, though pledged not to 
alter the disposition of its troops, transferred them en masse 
to the western front, and so weak did Russia find herself that 
she dared to raise no protest against this flagrant violation of 
Germany's plighted word. 

What followed was of like character, when **the German 
peace'' was translated into action. It was found to involve the 
invasion of Russian territory, the destruction or capture of all 
Russia's means of defense, and the organization of Russian lands 
for Germany's profit — a proceeding which did not differ from 
''annexation" because the word itself was carefully avoided. 

Meanwhile, those very Russians who had made military 
operations impossible found diplomacy impotent. Their repre- 
sentatives were compelled to proclaim that while they refused 
to read the treaty presented to them, they had no choice but to 
sign it; so they signed it, not knowing whether in its true sig- 
nificance it meant peace or war, nor measuring the degree to 
which Russian national life was reduced by it to a shadow. 

For us of the Entente Governments the judgment which the 
free peoples of the world will pass on these transactions would 
never be in doubt. Why waste time over Germany's pledges, 
when we see that at no period in her history of conquest — not 
when she overran Silesia nor when she partitioned Poland — has 
she exhibited herself so cynically as a destroyer of national inde- 
pendence, the implacable enemy of the rights of man and the 
dignity of civilized nations. 

Poland, whose heroic spirit has survived the most cruel of 
national tragedies, is threatened with a fourth partition, and 
to aggravate her wrongs, devices by which the last trace of her 
independence is to be crushed, are based on fraudulent promises 
of freedom. 

What is true of Russia and Poland is no less true of Rumania, 
overwhelmed like them in a flood of merciless passion for 
domination. 

Peace is loudly advertised, but under the disguise of verbal 
professions lurk the brutal realities of war and the untempered 
rule of a lawless force. 

Peace treaties such as these we do not and cannot acknowl- 
edge. Our own ends are very different. We are fighting, and 
mean to continue fighting, in order to finish once for all with 
this policy of plunder and to establish in its place the peaceful 
reign of organized justice. 



94 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

As incidents of this long war unroll themselves before our 
eyes, more and more clearly do we perceive that the battles for 
freedom are everywhere interdependent; that no separate 
enumeration of them is needed, and that in every case the single 
but all-sufficient appeal is to justice and right. 

Are justice and right going to win? In so far as the issue 
depends on battles yet to come the nations whose fate is in the 
balance may surely put their trust in the armies, which, even 
under conditions more difficult than the present, have shown 
themselves more than equal to the great cause intrusted to their 
valor. 



[70.] 

Interview with Mr. Francis, the American Ambassador, 

March 15, 1918. 

(Published in the American Bulletins issued by the Committee on 
Public Information of the United States in Moscow, No. 10, March 22, 1918.) 

Vologda, March 15. American Ambassador Francis in 
reply to questions whether he will now leave Russia after peace 
with Germany has been ratified by the Moscow convention and 
what will be the attitude of the American government toward 
Russia, made the following statement: 

I will not leave Russia until I am compelled to do so by 
force. My government and the American people are too deeply 
interested in the welfare of the Russian people to leave Russia 
— ^to leave the Russian people to the mercy of Germany. 
America is sincerely interested in Russia and in the freedom 
of the Russian people. We will do everything possible in order 
to secure the real interests of Russia and to defend and pre- 
serve the integrity of this great country. Friendship between 
Russia and the United States, which has lasted for a century 
or longer will rather be strengthened than weakened by the fact 
that Russia became a republic ; and all Americans sincerely wish 
that Russians should be given the opportunity to remain free 
and independent and that they should not become subject to 
Germany. I have not yet seen a true copy of the peace treaty; 
but I am sufficiently acquainted with its contents to know that 
if the Russian people will submit to it, then Russia will not 
only be robbed and will lose large sections of its rich territory, 
but eventually it will become a German province, and the Rus- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 95 

sian people will lose all liberties for which former generations 
have struggled and died. 

My government still considers America an ally of the Rus- 
sian people, and they of course will not refuse the proffered aid 
when we will be ready to give such aid to any government in 
Russia which will show serious and organized resistance to 
German invasion. If the Russian people, who are brave and 
patriotic, will lay aside for the time being their political dif- 
ferences and will act decisively, firmly, and unitedly, they will 
succeed in driving out the enemy from their country and will 
secure before the end of 1918 a firm peace for themselves and 
for the whole world. ' 



[7I-] 

Certificate given by the American Ambassador to 
Colonel Robins, March lo, 19 1 8. 

Embassy of the United States of America, 

Vologda, Russia, 
March 10, 1918. 

CERTIFICATE 

The Holder of this Document, is Colonel Raymond Robins, 
an American Citizen, and Chief of the American Red Cross 
Mission to Russia. I commend him to the courtesies of all to 
whom this Certificate may be presented. Colonel Robins is 
traveling in the Special Car No. 447 and is accompanied by 
eight or ten men engaged in Red Cross work. Colonel Robins 
will name these men if required to do so. I specially request 
that he be permitted to enter Moscow and any other city in 
Russia he may desire to visit. 

(signed) David R. Francis, 

American Ambassador. 
Seal of the Embassy of the 
United States of America, 
Petrograd. 



96 BUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



Correspondence between the American Ambassador, David 
R. Francis, and Colonel Robins, March ii-May 14, 1918. 

(The following correspondence consists partly of direct wire tele- 
graphic communications between Mr. Francis in Vologda and Colonel 
Robins in Moscow, partly of ordinary telegraphic communications between 
the two, and partly of letters sent by courier. Apart from necessary 
punctuation the correspondence is presented as nearly as possible in its 
original form.) 

1. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 11, 1918.) 

For Rohins: 

Ruggles returned after satisfactory interview with Trotsky 
and chief of staff but no definite program adopted. Ruggles 
talked to him on same lines as you in accordance with my instruc- 
tions, consequently interview had good effect. Cable from 
Davison requests you cable Wardwell's report concerning ac- 
cumulation of supplies, railroad transportation and political 
conditions Murmansk. 

Thacher telegraphed remaining Murmansk several days 
thence London and requests you cable his father. 

Francib. 



2. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 14, 1918.) 

American Amhassador, Vologda: 

Telegraphed you last night. To-day presented President's 
message to Soviet Congress to Mr. Lenin, who will advise me 
of action of organization committee on same. 

Mr. Lenin discussed two resolutions to be presented by 
Bolsheviks to the congress. One for ratification of Brest treaty 
which is expected to pass by three fourths of congress. Other 
a call to all people of Russia for defense and organization of an 
army which is expected to pass unanimously. Opposition to 
German domination increasing steadily. Strong support of 
Soviet government from peasant districts heretofore indifferent. 
Mr. Lenin desires to express to you his appreciation. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 97 

Send important messages direct wire. Open telegrams should 
be addressed Robins, American Red Cross, Hotel Elite. Code 
messages care consulate. 

Robins. 



3. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 14, 1918.) 

The fourth All-Russian Soviet congress opened this evening 
in the Hall of the Nobles in Moscow at eight o'clock. After 
the greetings of the chairman of the Executive Committee of 
the All-Russian Soviets and the chairman of the Moscow Soviet 
the message of President Wilson was read amid great applause. 
The following resolution was then unanimously adopted: "The 
congress expresses its appreciation to the American people and 
first of all to the laboring and exploited classes of the United 
States in reply to the message of sympathy sent to the Russian 
people by President Wilson through the congress of Soviets, in 
this time when the Russian Socialist Soviet Republic is living 
through the most difficult trials. The Russian Socialist Fed- 
erated Republic of Soviets uses the occasion of this message from 
President Wilson to express to all peoples who are dying and 
suffering from the horrors of this imperialistic war, its warm 
sympathy and firm conviction that the happy time is not far 
off when the laboring masses of all bourgeois countries will over- 
throw the yoke of capital and will establish the socialist state 
of society, which is the only one that is capable of assuring per- 
manent and just peace, as well as the culture and welfare of 
all who toil.'' 

In the convention are seated 1,164 delegates from all parts 
of Russia: 732 Bolsheviks, 238 Left Social Revolutionists and 
the rest scattered among six minor parties. Lenin made the 
principal speech and was greeted with prolonged applause, the 
entire convention standing. Chicherin read the peace terms. 
Trotzki not present. More to-morrow. Convention still in 
session ; order of business ratification of peace treaty, moving the 
capital to Moscow and the election of a new executive committee. 
Sent March 14, 1918. 
Midnight. 



98 RUSSIAN- AMERICAN RELATIONS 

4. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 15, 1918.) 

The following confidential message for my information re- 
ceived late last night and I am imparting same to you for like 
purpose. You will of course not impart any of its contents with- 
out obtaining my consent thereto. If these interrogatories do 
not indicate Japan's designs, the reply clearly defines the posi- 
tion of our government in considering Russia an ally still. 
Observe it does not state the Soviet government will not be 
recognized. '* Japanese charge d'affaires read to the Depart- 
ment on March seventh an inquiry from his government to the 
following effect — provided it is correctly reported: That the 
Bolshevik government of Russia signed the provisions of the 
convention at B rest-Li to vsk ; shall the allied powers regard 
Russia as a neutral or as an enemy, or shall they consider that 
the treaty was the invalid act of a self -instituted government 
not recognized by any of the Allies, and the relations between the 
Allies and Russia remain unaltered? 

Department to-day read to the Japanese charge d'affaires 
an answer to that inquiry as follows: *In the view of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States recent events have in no way 
altered the relations and obligation of this government toward 
Russia. It does not feel justified in regarding Russia either as 
a neutral or as an enemy but continues to regard her as an ally. 
There is in fact no Russian government to deal with. The so- 
called Soviet government upon which Germany has just forced 
or tried to force peace was never recognized by the Government 
of the United States as even a government de facto. None of 
its acts therefore need be officially recognized by this Govern- 
ment, and the Government feels that it is of the utmost impor- 
tance as affecting the whole public opinion of the world and 
giving proof of the utter good faith of all the Governments asso- 
ciated against Germany, that we should continue to treat the 
Russians as in all respects our friends and allies against the 
common enemy.' Polk, acting.'' Francis. 

Robins for Summers : ^ * ' Please give Robins substance of 
MacGowan's^ reports as wired me.* Francis. 

1 American Consul General at Moscow. 

2 American Consul at Irkutsk, Siberia. 
8 See Document 73. 



>> 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 99 

Ambassador asks what report from executive committee^ 
to-day. Message partially deciphered continues message just 
sent you. Have you any questions? 

No further information on Eastern question. See Cecil's 
statement in House of Commons. Apparently J.^ was preparing 
move and if stopped was by our intervention. MacGowan's 
reports to Summers indicate Germans preparing to take Siberian 
railway. Up to what hour did the conference adjourn ? Thanks 
for your message received two A.M. What other business 
transacted, and when did conference adjourn and to when? 
NiesseP sent message by French officer en route Moscow last 
night, that was satisfied no material resistance be offered and 
no effort made, and Niessel would leave Russia if peace ratified, 
but that Lavergne and twenty of mission would remain. I 
replied tell Niessel I purpose remaining and should like to see 
him here. 

The following confidential message received by me from the 
Department with some words unintelligible. Cannot definitely 
determine where or to whom Polk delivered this carefully framed 
message but nevertheless it outlines our policy on Japanese inva- 
sion. You should, if appears advisable, discreetly impart the 
substance of same to the proper parties. Polk's preface states 
message was sent on March third to be read in some place and 
that he had read same at a dinner to the Ambassadors of 
France, England, and Italy. The message follows: **The most 
careful and anxious consideration has been given by the Ameri- 
can Government to the prevailing conditions in Siberia and a 
possible remedy therefor. It is cognizant of the peril of 
anarchy which surrounds the Siberian Provinces and also the 
overshadowing risk of German invasion. It shares with the 
Governments of Blank and Blank the view that if interven- 
tion is deemed advisable, the Government of Japan is in complete 
touch with the situation and could accomplish it most efficiently. 
It has moreover the utmost confidence in the Japanese Govern- 
ment and would be entirely willing so far as its own feelings 
towards that Government are concerned to entrust the enter- 
prise to it. But it is bound in frankness to say that the wisdom 

1 Central Executive Committee of Soviets. 

2 Japan. 

8 General Niessel, Chief of French Military Mission in Russia. 



100 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

of intervention seems to it most questionable if it were under- 
taken emphasizing the assumption that the most explicit as- 
surances would be given that it was undertaken by Japan as an 
Ally of Russia in Russia's interest and with the sole view of hold- 
ing it safe against Germany ard at the absolute disposition of the 
final peace conference. Otherwise the Central Powers could and 
would make it appear that Japan was doing in the East exactly 
what Germany is doing in the West, and so seek to counter 
the condemnation which all the world must pronounce against 
Germany's invasions of Russia which she attempts to justify on 
the pretext of restoring order; and it is the judgment of the 
United States, uttered with the utmost respect, that even with 
such assurances they could in the same way be discredited by 
those whose interest it was to discredit them, and that a hot 
resentment would be generated in Russia, and particularly of the 
enemies of the Russian Revolution for which the Government 
of the United States entertains the greatest sympathy, in spite 
of all the unhappiness and misery which has for the time being 
sprung out of it. The Government of the United States begs 
once more to express to the Government of Japan its warmest 
friendship and confidence and once more begs it to accept these 
expressions of . . . judgment as uttered only in the frankness 
of friendship ' ' ^ . . . This message sent to Ambassador for his 
confidential information and guidance and of course will be very 
discreetly used by you. . . . 

2889 — 2890, both were requesting you to come ... to direct 
wire. Sent 10:30 P.M. to-day . . . received your report 
delivery President's message. 

Other important message on same subject not completely 
deciphered at what hour to-morrow do you wish to receive same 
on this wire? 

5. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 15, 1918.) 

American Ambassador: 

Your call to direct wire did not reach me until one this 
morning. Have arranged for immediate delivery of such calls 
in future. To avoid duplication and confusion, please send 

1 This message appeared in the New York Natioriy February 21, 1920. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 101 

such communications as you wish me to use or transmit addressed 
to me personally. Wide divergence of opinion and recommenda- 
tion between yourself and American officials here. 

Careful use confidential message received last night will be 
made. Have you deciphered second part message? 

Fully advised. Have you anything further to ask? 

Five P.M. 

Engaged for entire day unless matter of importance to 
transmit. Suggest eleven A.M. to-morrow. 

Will report later on interview. Soviet government actively 
engaged organization army for defense. German control Petro- 
grad and Moscow not provided for in treaty. Rumor baseless. 
I remain in Moscow for the present. 

Will communicate daily at eleven A.M. Vologda time. Please 
have your daily communication written out. Good-bye for 
to-day. 



6. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 16, 1918.) 

Colonel Ruggles asks whether Riggs ^ is in Moscow. Japanese, 
Chinese 2 going direct Vladivostok. Unable proceed Harbin 
because that road cut at Manchurian border by Bolsheviks. No 
further eastern news. Call us when conference adjourned. 
Good-bye. 

Has conference adjourned finally? What was vote on ratifi- 
cation ? What your plans ? Bullard here yesterday. In Moscow 
this evening. Only British Embassy got through Finland to 
Sweden. Others returning for exit via Murmansk. . . . Am 
inclined to announce our policy of alliance with Russian people 
regardless of separate peace by Soviet government. 

Think can insert in Petrograd papers from here. What was 
vote against — two hundred fifty-one? Ambassador has not seen 
Balfour's statement.^ 

1 Captain Riggs, Military Attache American Military Mission in Russia. 

2 Japanese Embassy and Chinese Legation. 
8 See Document 68. 



102 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Following cable received to-day for you from New York. 
Message begins — Eleven. March thirteenth. Following cable sent 
you March eighth from Washington signed Thompson-Davison ^ 
* * 15155. Course you urge in special number one already adopted 
in strong note that will undoubtedly halt proposed action. More 
positive policy waits on decision of Soviet. Feel strongly that 
repudiation of Germany by Russian people will assure remark- 
able results and an appeal from Soviet to America will bring 
desired aid.*' 

7. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 16, 1918.) 

Colonel Rohins to Ambassador Francis: 

Final vote on ratification of treaty not yet taken. Pre- 
liminary vote shows substantial majority for ratification. Bol- 
shevik party supports ratification, all of seven other parties 
represented in the convention are against ratification. Full and 
fair discussion by leaders of all parties permitted. President 
Lenin in easy and complete control of convention. Consul 
Summers yesterday morning received telegram stating that 
Roumanian Red Cross Mission, thirty-three in number, were in 
Kharkoff on way to Moscow bound for America. Please advise 
Davison from Vologda as I have done from here. Complete copy 
of treaty terms published by government, eighteen printed 
pamphlet pages, now being translated by consulate and Compub 
here. Convention expected to reach final vote on ratification this 
afternoon. Have you any further information regarding the Far 
East? Have you any further instructions? Have important 
engagement now overdue. 

8. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 17, 1918.) 

American Ambassador, Vologda: 

Congress finally adjourned. Moving of Government to 
Moscow approved. Permanent executive committee of two hun- 
dred elected. Conference on national defense now sitting. 
Public review to-day of first regiment volunteer army with three 

1 The explanation of two signatures is that the cable was sent by 
Colonel Thompson, and transmitted through Mr. Davison. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 103 

other regiments in review. Addresses made by representative 
government leaders declaring revolution saved only by organiza- 
tion large revolutionary army. Shall remain here until further 
developments. Colonel Anderson ^ delayed transportation diffi- 
culties. Hopes leave to-night. Your interview received too late 
for translation and delivery in time morning papers. Will 
appear in full next issue Moscow press. Compub handling pub- 
licity. ^ Statement made to-day by Karahan of department for- 
eign affairs that Japanese advance in Siberia stopped. Stated 
this due to American intervention. Trotzki arrived Moscow 
to-day. Opens his office as war minister here to-morrow. Lock- 
hart and staff arrived to-day. They expect to remain. Captain 
Riggs has secured quarters for military mission. 

Robins. 
Moscow, Sunday, March 17, 1918. 

9. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 18, 1918.) 

American Ambassador, Vologda: 

Please keep us advised up to minute in Far Eastern situa- 
tion. Eight hundred word cable was message for you containing 
inquiry by Soviet government upon possible co-operation of 
United States, which upon failure to get deciphered in Vologda 
was transmitted direct to war department from Petrograd. 
Colonel Anderson left last night for Vologda. He sent me mes- 
sage to ask you by wire to secure two first class wagons for 
further transport of mission from Vologda regardless of expense. 
For Ruggles from Riggs: *' Eighteenth, twelve. Have found 
quarters and office in large house of friends just opposite 
Kremlin. Sadoul^ in same house. Question of lodging here 
extremely difficult but now settled definitely. Could use 
Warden or Calder here. Advise your being ready to come to 
Moscow soon, leaving Bukovski* in Vologda; have quarters for 
seven, if necessary. Am seeing Chicherin and Trotzki to-day 
with Sadoul. French and Italian missions apparently settling 
down here." Robins. 

1 Chief of American Red Cross Mission in Rumania, 1917-18. 

2 See Document 70. 

3 Captain J. Sadoul, Military Attache, French Military Mission in 
Russia . 

•* Lieutenant attached to American Mission. 



104 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

11. PEOM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 19, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, — Bohins at tJie wire: 

Conference with TrotzM yesterday most satisfactory. He 
asks for five American army officers to act as inspectors of the 
organization, drill and equipment of the Soviet Army. Have 
told Riggs of this request and he is to see Trotzki to-day. 
Trotzki asks further for railroad operating men and equipment. 
Has Ruggles advised you of Riggs' suggestion that the first con- 
tingent of railroad men ^ now waiting in the east be ordered by 
you to Vologda, and has any action been taken by you ? Trotzki 
in response to claims and reports that war prisoners are armed 
in great numbers in Siberia requests that we send responsible 
investigator at once to Irkutsk with Soviet official and under 
full authority of government to make report. Am sending 
Webster, American Red Cross with Captain Hicks of British 
Mission for this purpose.^ 

11. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 19, 1918.) 

Far Eastern advices through YMCA^ and Harbin indicate 
prisoners being organized and armed. Cable from department 
likewise and probably from same source. Your message just re- 
ceived. MacGowan also thinks prisoners organizing. Hunting- 
ton * also at Irkutsk with clerk and interpreter. Is it necessary 
send another man there? Ruggles did not tell me Riggs sug- 
gested that contingent of railway men now waiting in East be 
ordered to Vologda. What for? Pleased that Trotsky investi- 
gating reports concerning war prisoners. If such reports con- 
firmed, would be excuse for sending Japanese troops into Siberia, 
who apparently estopped from invasion by America. Nothing 
from Japanese Ambassador who left Irkutsk 12th for Vladivostok 

iThe men referred to belonged to the American Railway Mission, 
headed by John F. Stevens. At that time its members were stationed in 
Japan and at Harbin. 

2 See Documents 74 and 75. 

3 This refers to representatives of the Young Men's Christian Asso- 
ciation in Siberia. 

* Commercial attache to American Embassy in Russig,. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 105 

instead of Harbin as planned. Do you know why? Chinese 
Minister same train wired of safe arrival Manchuria station. 
Hear that Emerson^ with hundred men operating on Chinese 
Eastern, but no direct information from him or Stevens. What 
is effect of my interview? Is Soviet Army being organized to 
fight Central Empires? Petrograd reported under German con- 
trol in accordance with provisions of peace treaty authorizing 
Germany to see its provisions observed. Moscow likely be treated 
same way. Possibly Vologda. What are your plans? Should 
like to hear result of Riggs' conference with Trotsky as soon 
as possible. Anything more? 



12. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 20, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at Wire: 

Japanese representative here says that ambassador passed 
Manchuria safely Sunday, March seventeenth. Your interview 
appeared in evening papers and this morning in full on first 
page. It has excited great interest and very favorable comment. 
It was cabled in full to the British foreign office with an 
appreciative note from Lockhart. Smith of the AP ^ tells me 
that it wa^ cabled in full to the American press and will appear 
in the London papers as well. For Ruggles from Riggs: *'Have 
appointment Trotzki to-day — ^will wire results. Still think ad- 
visable have American railway engineers Vologda for present, 
Moscow later. Their activities — consultation on operation and 
evacuation if necessary.'* 

Webster and Captain Hicks left last night by special train 
for Vologda to take Siberian Express for Irkutsk. Webster has 
letter for you from me. Please have ready for him a copy of 
MacGowan's telegrams and such other material as you deem 
helpful for his investigation. Still regard Vologda as the safest 
and most desirable point in European Russia for temporary 
Embassy. Have Webster advise me if he has received from the 
Commissair who accompanies him the proper papers from the 
Soviet government. Have you been advised by our government 
of any move of allies for general peace conference? 

1 Colonel Emerson, member American Railway Mission. 

2 The Associated Press. 



106 RUSSIAN-A]\IERICAN RELATIONS 

Confidently believe war prisoner reports and Petrograd under 
Grerman control rumors are skillful German propaganda to 
discredit Soviet government with Allies. All for to-day. 
Good-bye. 

13. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 20, 1918, Noon.) 

Johnston on the wire. The Ambassador composed the fol- 
lowing:::: Colonel Robins are you ready? The Ambassador 
composed the following for you — the Ambassador is not here, 
having been detained by Colonel Anderson whose train is about 
to leave. No further advice from the East concerning Japanese. 
Reported through sources considered reliable that war prisoners 
being armed by German officers on orders from Soviet Govern- 
ment. Have wired Huntington and MacGowan in Irkutsk to 
make report. Suppose Riggs will report about interview. Noth- 
ing more. Have you anything? Shall return at eleven to- 
morrow unless called sooner and have messages prepared, if 
desire ask anything. Thought called to wire yesterday by you ; 
consequently had no message prepared. 

From Johnston : If there is such, I have not heard of same. 



14. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 21, 1918.) 

To the American Amhassador from Colonel Rotins: 

The Chairman of the Central Siberian Government, Yanson, 
and the Military Commissair, Strenberg, by direct wire from 
Irkutsk to Moscow, issued official statement in which they say 
that all rumors about occupation of Siberian RR by war pris- 
oners are pure inventions and laughable. War prisoners are 
not armed and are guarded. 

The Rustel Telegraph Agency informs that according neutral 
embassies, American Ambassador Francis is returning from 
Vologda to Petrograd in connection with ratification. This 
statement printed Moscow morning papers. 

In speech in Moscow Soviet Trotsky said, among other things, 
we must have an army. We must become strong in the present 
world situation. We must re-establish our railroads, feed our 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 107 

people, and organize the defense of the country. Re-establish 
discipline within the country. We do not plan to organize 
partisan army. We need army organized according to the 
latest word of military technique. We must use experienced 
officers and generals regardless of their politics but have our 
commissairs control them politically. We may have to establish 
ten hour day. Everybody must strain and obey military dis- 
cipline in order save our fatherland. We expect to start with 
army 300 to 500 thousand, maximum three quarters million. 

Organization for the enrollment and training of the Soviet 
army progressing rapidly. For Ruggles from Riggs: ''Sadoul 
and I had interview Trotzki to-day and yesterday. Soviet gov- 
ernment asks French military mission for inspector instructors 
for new army. Also following message Ambassador through 
you: Riggs to remain as military link here. Am anxious for 
co-operation railway mission and want part of them in European 
Russia, headquarters Moscow. My strong impression Soviet 
government making sincere effort for serious reconstruction of 
forces and I cannot too strongly recommend that they be en- 
couraged by prompt support. Request information movements 
railway mission. Riggs.'' 

From Prince^ for Ruggles: ^* Please send my suitcase, pouch 
with clothes and raincoat at first opportunity. Prince." 

Your wire on platinum came too late to get information for 
this communication. Wire from Murmansk states that English 
and French are co-operating with Soviet government in the 
protection of the port and railroad, under express instructions 
for such co-operation from Trotzki. English and French promise 
everything necessary for civil and military population and agree 
not to interfere in local government. 

Nothing further to-day. Good-bye. 

15. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 21, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. No 
further news from the East. Webster caught express on which 

1 Captain Prince, attached to the American Military Mission in Russia. 



108 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Todobush and two other Embassy clerks also left, also Japanese 
general. Treadwell, ^ Stevens ^ arrived last night, leaving bank 
in charge Dutch clerk only, and say German commission headed 
by Baltic Baron Fredericks issuing exit permits which difficult 
procure. Callahan and Casey ^ not succeeding and only 
Americans remaining Petrograd. Emery and number English 
captured on Danish ice breaker in Finnish waters and sent 
Danzig for internment, and reported American and England 
protested to Finland. 

Webster has paper from Russian Federated Republic with 
seal, stating that he is going Siberia on behalf of this Government 
and asking full aid and protection. They are on private car 
number fifty-seven. Please convey to Summers, and this also 
for your information, Treadwell and Stevens coming Moscow 
to-night. If there is anything needed that they can bring and 
word can be gotten to Embassy, shall send same. 



16. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 22, 1918, 11:00 A.M.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at Wire: 

Direct and specific denial by both Trotzki and Chicherin 
of Baron Fredericks German Commission Petrograd tale. 
French mission here has accepted Trotzki offer and is making 
assignment of officers for inspection work for Soviet army. 
Specific request by Soviet government that I ask you to inquire 
of American government if Commission for economic and busi- 
ness purposes sent by Economic Commission of Soviet govern- 
ment will be received in United States. It is guaranteed by 
Soviet government that this commission will have no political 
purpose and will not engage in any propaganda work of any 
description en route or in America. Please get reply to this 
inquiry at earliest moment. Have just received from Chicherin 
signed statement to the effect that German commission control 
at Petrograd is fantastic and false tale. Authorizes the state- 
ment that if Callahan and Casey wish to leave Petrograd and 
only difficulty is permit, peremptory order will be given from 

1 American Consul at Petrograd. 

2 R. R. Stevens, Manager Petrograd branch of National City Bank of 
New York. 

8 American business men. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 109 

here to grant them permits. For Ruggles from Riggs: *' Impor- 
tant you send me word of numbers and movements of railway 
men when received. Please send a clerk and cipher and blank 
forms. Am sending you cipher message to-day." 

Nothing further to-day. Good-bye. 

Know of no definite treaty violations by Germany. Platinum 
can be secured. Terms to-morrow. Have you any instructions 
re platinum?* 

17. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 22, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
From the Ambassador to Colonel Robins: 

My advices from MacGowan and other reliable sources charge 
Strenberg,^ who is pro-German Swede, with aiding and directing 
organization and arming of prisoners. Recently MacGowan 
wires that uniforms of German officers only partly concealed by 
Russian overcoats. 

Summers wires Germans advancing from south with prac- 
tically no resistance and that Trotsky efforts organize army for 
defense unpromising. Are Germans openly violating peace 
treaty ? 

Railroad force and equipment under Willard's order, al- 
though have waited three months in Japanese waters on my 
recommendation through Department. I have made no recom- 
mendation for operation because as you know have been en- 
deavoring to arrange with Government for safety of men and 
equipment. Department in badly garbled cable replying to my 
inquiry concerning conditions and railroad commission stated 
understood Emerson has hundred operating on Chinese Eastern, 
which surprises me as have asked Willard many times keep me 
advised. State Department doubtless overwhelmed and probably 
thinks I pay too much attention to non-diplomatic matters. 
Nevertheless I am cabling Felton to-day asking him to remind 
Willard that I have been devoting much time and thought to 
improving Russian transportation facilities and am not badly 
qualified therefore, and to urge Willard to be prepared to send 

iThe American Government wished to buy this platinum from the 
Soviet Government. 

2 Military Commissary of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Soviets of Siberia. 



110 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

at least one unit from Chinese Eastern to Moscow or Vladivostok 
when I so recommend, which will be immediately upon being 
satisfied that same will not be used to promote German interests 
or be captured by Germans. Summers wires paper says British 
French and Persian charges engaging quarters. Is it true? 
Ruggles advised that Yates and military and civil officers under 
him ordered to report to Ruggles. 

Treadwell and Stevens left last night for Moscow, also 
Graham Taylor. 

For Captain Riggs: ''Consul left midnight bringing Prince 
suitcase and raincoat and letter for you. We have no informa- 
tion concerning American railway detachments. Ruggles.*' 

Everything understood. Do you wish to wait re platinum 
while I telephone Ambassador regarding terms? Nothing more. 

18. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 23, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Eohins at wire: 

Regarding Consul Summers' reports it must be remembered 
that he considers all work of and co-operation with the Soviet 
government as unpromising. He favored support of the 
Ukranian Rada ^ and the Don ^ enterprise. While he is an able 
business man and delightful gentleman perhaps the opinion of 
the American, French, English, and Italian officers who are 
now co-operating with Trotzki is of more value as to the merit 
of his plans for a Soviet army. Regard report of quarters being 
engaged by British, French, and Persian charges as unfounded 
rumor. In the case of the British and French I know it to be 
untrue. For the present, responsible chiefs and valuable records 
should be in Vologda with trustworthy agents here and else- 
where as needed. Entirely possible that Moscow may be evacu- 
ated hurriedly if German advance begins. Yesterday's Izvestia 
contains two column editorial favorable to America. Speaks 
appreciatively of your statement. International Harvester offi- 

1 The Ukranian Rada was in close relations with some of the Allies 
at the time when it concluded a separate peace with the Central Powers. 
It was claimed by Trotsky that the Rada's action at Brest-Litovsk fatally 
weakened the position of the Soviet Government. 

2 The revolt against the Soviet Government in the Don region, led by 
General Kaladin, who later committed suicide. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 111 

cials called for help yesterday and through Gumberg secured 
desired aid.^ For Ruggles from Riggs: " Grementchug reported 
taken. Germans in force estimated four corps advancing to- 
gether with Ukranians and Austrians in Ukraine. Absolutely 
necessary now in our negotiations to have prompt information 
that railway men have been put en route. Can't urge too 
strongly that Ambassador set them in motion on his own respon- 
sibility and at once. Half should come to Moscow for European 
Russia. News here very valuable. Will wire you this after- 
noon. Riggs. ' ' 

Promised details upon platinum from government to-day. 
Nothing further to-day. Good-bye. 

19. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 23, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

President Zinovief's speech to the Petrograd Soviet on re- 
tuun from Moscow conference and Trotsky's interview in 
Russcoe Slovo seem quite inopportune to say the least when 
Soviet is asking that economic commission be received by Presi- 
dent whom the former boasts of the convention of Soviets having 
slapped in the face and by bourgeoisie republic with whom latter 
says Soviet Russia can never make an alliance. Ruggles now 
deciphering message from Riggs. Please get definite informa- 
tion about platinum price for delivery Vladivostok also quan- 
tity obtainable. Nothing further on Far Eastern situation. 
Have wired MacGowan give all possible assistance Webster. 

For Captain Riggs: 

** Advise number of war warrant for ten thousand dollars 
and held by you. Have again requested Prince be made quarter- 
master. Send ten thousand roubles first opportunity for tele- 
grams. Ask consul general get in touch with Stevens due 
Moscow to-night regarding purchasing committee. Ruggles." 

1 Alexander Gumberg, Colonel Robins' Russian secretary and inter- 
preter. The help desired by the International Harvester Company was 
exemption from workers' control which had been laid down by a decree of 
the Soviet Government. The exemption was granted by Lenin. 



112 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

20. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 24, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Have conferred with Stevens, Treadwell and Browne; net 
result is to discredit utterly the Baron Fredericks German 
commission control tale. It is not the first time that persons 
desiring to act in a certain way have used imagination for facts 
as justification. German war prisoner commission has asked 
officially that Siberian prisoners be given preference in exchange 
because of danger of their capture by allies in Siberian advance. 
Our German friends seem disposed to aid in the Siberian scare. 
Why should we help their game? Callahan and Casey both 
here. Secured permits without any difficulty. State that they 
asked for Baron Fredericks as advised by consul and that no 
one at the evacuation headquarters knew who he was nor could 
he be found. Both expect to return in a few days to Petrograd 
for business. Reported on good authority that French embassy 
will return to Russia with temporary headquarters at Vologda. 
Regarding platinum there are eighteen poods immediately 
available and more that can be secured. Bronski ^ suggests that 
purchase be made through the National City Bank. Have seen 
Stevens and he prefers not to undertake the purchase but says 
that he would consider it if you can give the National City Bank 
authority to buy this platinum for the account of the govern- 
ment at the best price obtainable with official guarantee of repay- 
ment by the U.S. Government to the National City Bank. Noth- 
ing further. Good-bye. 

21. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 24, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Wired Stevens ^ through consuls and Vladivostok to send 
immediately hundred railroad men to Vologda if has authority, 
and cabled Department had done so and requested order be given 

1 Commissary of Commerce in Soviet Government. 

2 John F. Stevens. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 113 

by Willard if power so vested. No news from East. Neither 
Wright nor Huntington yet wired. Are Germans advancing 
towards Moscow? 

Following telegram received yesterday evening for you from 
Murmansk : * * Four. March twenty-second. Suggest Ransome ^ 
request his people show me his cables since February. Hope to 
receive your fuU advices on arrival, possibly as early as twenty- 
eighth. All your wires including number six received. Thacher. ' ' 

Have nothing more. Am awaiting your reply over the same 
route. 

22. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 25, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Is German advance checked? By Germans or by resistance? 
Tone of garbled cable received last night makes me fear my 
request of Department and order to Stevens for hundred railroad 
men may be delayed, possibly ignored, as cable which is in my 
private code insinuates Department has heard that Soviet leaders 
acting under direction German General Staff. Do you think this 
possible? Of course don't tell this. Think Motono present Min- 
ister Foreign Affairs and former Ambassador to Russia favors 
intervention but Ishii opposed without America's approval. 

Reports Chinese troops guarding Manchurian border. Sibe- 
rian railroad between Chita, Irkutsk and Manchuria now re- 
paired and bearing traffic. Reports Uchida reached Harbin and 
issued statement but message so garbled unintelligible — indicates 
has made public statement concerning my help but may mean 
American help. 

Where is Roumanian military mission? 

Who wrote ** Letters from an American Friend," issued by 
Compub reflecting on American policy in Russia? 

Following message for you dated Paris March twenty-one, 
repeat March twenty-fourth from Tokio. From Davison: 
** Arrived in Paris recently. As to your movements am not in- 
formed. Assuming no personal risk involved, it is important 
that you remain in Russia in the interest of the Red Cross work 

1 Arthur Ransome, correspondent London Daily News. 



114 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

which is to be done there. Please telegraph in care of the 
American Ambassador Paris all possible information of interest. 
Also acknowledge receipt of this telegram." This message was 
received in cipher yesterday evening. The Ambassador asks why 
Davison in Paris. Nothing further. Have you anything? 
Good-bye. 

23. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 25, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Bronski agrees that price for platinum shall be quoted price 
in New York and London on date of sale. Delivery will be 
made in one of the three places suggested by you. Location of 
platinum held secret for the time but is definite and certain. 

From Riggs for Ambassador: **No news from Yates." 

For Ruggles from Riggs: ** Repeating thirteen also ciphering 
to-day." 

News direct from Petrograd reports all quiet there. 

Russian resistance checking Germans at some points in south ; 
at others Germans slowly advance. 

Regard suggestion of German control Soviet government as 
absurd and impossible. If Washington credits this contention 
why are we wasting time here ? Bullard did. ^ 

Do not know why Davison in Paris. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 



24. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 26, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. Yes, 
received your message about four PM yesterday afternoon. 

For Colonel Robins: 

Have cabled asking authority for Stevens to purchase plati- 
num. Can you get government to fix price either delivered to 
Stevens or to me here or F.O.B. Vladivostok or Archangel? 
Where is it? Government need have no fear of getting paid in 

1 This is a reply to the Ambassador's question in No. 22 with regard 
to the authorship of " Letters from an American Friend." 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 115 

money. Suppose desires to sell to bank because fears we might 
credit on indebtedness. Did Treadwell deny he had given me 
Baron Fredericks episode? What progress in formation new 
army? Have British and other allies than French been asked 
to assist? Are Germans advancing? Have you heard anything 
concerning American military mission to Roumania which 
ordered to report to my military attache ? 

For Riggs: **You have probably received our telegram re- 
garding Stevens the railroad man but if not for your informa- 
tion Ambassador has telegraphed Stevens that they be put en 
route at once. Please repeat your thirteen. 

For Prince: *' Packer requests that kodak films be purchased 
and sent here. Keep in daily communication with me. Ruggles.'* 

Please instruct Webster to communicate direct with me and 
inform me of Huntington's movements as I have not heard 
from latter for two weeks. Information you report from Webster 
and Hicks very gratifying. American ambassador Tokio with 
whom have direct cipher communication cables twenty-third 
Japanese government has no present intention of intervening 
in Siberia; don't think Japanese desirous to intervene especially 
without approval of allies who seem to differ on the subject. 
Impending changes in Japanese government caused by dif- 
ferences concerning interfering. 

25. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 26, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Did you receive my direct wire message yesterday? Yours 
reached me at three P.M. German advance seems checked in 
the south for the present. No threat against Moscow for the 
moment. Your order for railroad engineers greatly appreciated 
by government. Following from Webster at Ekaterinburg: 
** Military prisoners in no way active in this district. Food 
trains moving west without delay. Returning soldiers disarmed 
at Perm. Politically all quiet. Should arrive Irkutsk Wednes- 
day." Do you hear from Webster direct? Following from 
Captain Hicks, Ekaterinburg: ''Bridges all carefully guarded 
by Soviet troops. No concern here by informed persons over 
war prisoner scare." 



116 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

For Ruggles from Riggs: ** Number warrant ten thousand 
dollars four thousand ninety one. Will send money. Stevens 
in touch with Summers. Sending other message to-day. 
Brennenridge wired Keith arrived and departed. Send Prince's 
trunk and small baggage. '^ 

Treadwell denies authorizing statement you wired me re 
Baron Fredericks. Army is reorganizing. Italians, Americans, 
British and French co-operating to date. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 



26. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Send March 27, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis^ Robins at wire: 

Hope you are sending Washington the facts of almost com- 
plete change of Bolshevik press which now prints daily war 
bulletins and gives allied reports activities on Western Front 
while Cadet press prints reports exaggerating Grerman success. 
Just as we begin to get co-operation, all the military missions 
working with Soviet power, is Washington to credit discarded 
forgeries of German control? Lockhart has shown me govern- 
ment cables showing change in England and France favorable 
to our position. England has ordered admiral at Murmansk to 
co-operate fully with Soviet power. France ditto. Vladivostok 
ultimatum has been liquidated creditably for Soviet power. 
Shall we lose our hold throwing away American advantages 
just when support in London and Paris won? Please send fol- 
lowing cable in cipher to Thomas D. Thacher, American Em- 
bassy, London: ''Special number one. March twenty-seventh. 
Am convinced Soviet government hostile to Germany : will help 
us to control raw materials and use our help to organize eco- 
nomic power. American, English, French, Italian missions now 
co-operating in organizing Soviet revolutionary army which can 
become effective against German aggression. Ambassador has 
recommended railroad engineers come European Russia organize 
transportation. Plan for economic co-operation recommended 
should be adopted now and men and money sent into Russia 
at once. Soviet government only Russian power that can 
organize against German domination. After four months twenty 
days still in undisputed control of all effective power. Ransome 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 117 

and Lockhart have cabled for you. Davison is in Paris. Robins. ' ' 
Will inquire re commission. 



27. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 27, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 

Yesterday two Russian technical men Senez and Gruzit 
called at embassy as members of the ' ' commission for liquidating 
Russian purchases in America. ' ' Upon inquiry they stated there 
was no head of this commission at the present time but General 
Schwartz had been the head. Commission consists of twenty 
members — seven from military, five naval, four ways and com- 
munications, one artillery, one agricultural, one foreign affairs, 
one finance. Is this the same commission which you requested 
me to inquire of our government whether it would be received 
in America? How can purchases be ** liquidated?" When 
obligations therefor repudiated? 

Nevertheless just received cable reporting shipment of two 
hundred forty-five thousand pairs of shoes April for railway 
union and families when cost of same debited to Russian obliga- 
tion which present government repudiated. This done on my 
urgent recommendation as think told you. 

Have authorized Ruggles to instruct Riggs to render active 
assistance in organizing Soviet army. Nothing more from East. 

Do you hear of any organized opposition to Soviet govern- 
ment in Russia? I have not. Where are Milyukoff, Kerensky, 
Rodzianko, Prokopovitch, Goutchkoff, and other leaders? 

Lieut. Madgearu of ** Roumanian Military Mission" called 
at embassy Petrograd requesting Miss Sante to ask me whether 
knew anything concerning supplies purchased by Roumanian 
mission and American Red Cross and stored in warehouse 2 
Kievskaya Petrograd. Who is Lieut. Madgearu ? Have you such 
supplies? Papers state allies severed diplomatic relations with 
Roumania: Message is garbled beginning with ''Ultimatum has 
been ..." Please repeat four or five words following same. 



118 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

28. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 28, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Bohins at wire: 

Received from Chicherin, commissair foreign affairs follow- 
ing: *'In view of liquidation of the conflict which took place 
between Russian Soviet republic and Roumanian government 
the people's commissariat of foreign affairs offered to the Rou- 
manian government through the Roumanian consul general in 
Moscow to begin negotiations for Settlement of the issues involved 
in accordance with the agreement made in Odessa by the mixed 
commission. In the above mentioned commission it was arranged 
to have the representatives of England, France, and the United 
States." The note was handed to me without instructions and 
I forward it to you and await your orders. 

There seems to be some confusion in the matter of the com- 
mission be sent to the U.S. and I suggest waiting further word 
from here before transmitting answer from Washington or 
taking action with any individuals whatever. Know of no 
organized opposition to Soviet government internally. Where- 
abouts of persons named matter of mere rumor. Do not know 
Roumanian Lieut, named. We had the goods referred to in our 
warehouse and they were commandeered by Soviet government 
when war against Roumania was begun. The German govern- 
ment has made a formal protest to the Soviet government against 
your statement. I have not been officially informed. 

For Ruggles from Riggs: *' Please have Yankiewicz prepare 
memorandum receipt all property. Packer knows how. Have 
you received ten thousand City Bank? Yesterday cable was 
eighteen. Nothing new." 

Send no more cipher messages by direct wire. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 



29. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 28, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Siamese minister asks at what rate can sell thousand pound 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 119 

draft on Credit Lyonnais London, proceeds doubtless to be used 
for legation expenses as lie has been advised by his government 
to leave Russia. Nothing more from East. What became of 
Siberian convention called for some date in March to organize 
independent Siberian republic? Department did not say it 
believed leaders influenced by Germans but that such suggestion 
been made to Department. This elicited by my statement that 
Trotsky had requested allied military missions to assist in 
organizing army. Did not ask for authority to comply with 
such suggestion but instructed Ruggles to render all assistance 
possible. Ruggles asked War Department for governmental 
policy here and received reply that same would be given by 
State Department through Ambassador. Through American Am- 
bassador. Whence started rumor that I planning to go Moscow ? 
Have no such intention at present. Where is Sisson ? Japanese 
and Chinese have charges here who see me daily. What is 
Compub doing? Received nothing from them. Just learned 
from French officer that special train bearing French and other 
allied missions left Petrograd this morning for Vologda. I 
suppose to locate here. Nothing further. Have you anything? 

30. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 29, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Rohms at wire: 

Have asked Summers regarding draft for Siamese. He will 
answer direct. Siberian convention reported abandoned. Taylor 
says Sisson in Finland. Chicherin asks formally for the appoint- 
ment by the American government of one representative in each 
of six commissions to settle Roumanian-Russian affairs — said 
commissions sitting in Petrograd, Moscow, Odessa, Kief, Jassy, 
and Golatz respectively. Please advise me. Are you advised 
of the policy or desire of U.S. in the matter of Slovak troops 
en route U.S. for service in France? ^ It would seem a foolish 
waste of time, money, and tonnage to send these troops around 
world to get to French front. Major Wardwell has left 
Murmansk for Petrograd. Can he serve you there? Latest 
word from Petrograd, Radek ^ just arrived says all quiet there. 

1 This refers to the Czechoslovak troops in Russia who were later en- 
gaged in hostilities with the Soviet Government. 

2 Karl Radek, official in Commissariat of Foreign Affairs in Soviet 
Government. 



120 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

He says over eight thousand red guards in barracks with 
machine guns and armored cars will fight for Soviet govern- 
ment. No word for the last two days from Webster or Hicks. 
Have checked on train and am advised it delayed by freight 
wreck. French ambassador's statement at Petrograd commented 
on unfavorably. Your position is specially strong under the 
circumstances. Moscow papers print to-day, ** American consul 
informed supreme economic council that the American govern- 
ment agrees to resume commercial and industrial relations with 
Russia regardless of the repudiation of debts. '* Should not 
such statements of policy come through you? 

For Ruggles from Riggs: "No change here in general 
situation. ' ' 

Please be on time. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

31. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 29, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Making eifort to have wire and operator established in 
embassy which very desirable. Government pays annually 
million incoming outgoing. Understand telegraph manager of 
district lives Archangel has authority, but if general commissaire 
would instruct by wire would greatly facilitate, otherwise mate- 
rial delay. Please assist. 

Will follow. Department replying my request for railway 
men asks what *'men are to do and on what railroad they will 
work. Their efforts must not result in facilitating communica- 
tions with Germans. Recall also that original agreement pro- 
vided that Russian ministry ways and communications should 
maintain railway men after work commenced.*' Of course such 
arrangement would obtain now but regardless thereof I shall 
urge men be sent immediately to report here. Starting is first 
step and urgently requesting Department and commission that 
start immediately. Of course shall guarantee government men 
shall not be used to aid Germans, consequently I must be advised 
generally concerning their work. Is Chicherin or Joffe commis- 
saire of foreign affairs ? Is our government requested to appoint 
representative for Roumanian peace negotiations? By whom? 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 121 

Should be by both parties, but Balfour announced in House of 
Commons that allies had severed diplomatic relations with 
Roumania. 

Papers state Kuhlmann protested against my utterance con- 
cerning separate peace to Soviet government. If I had known 
it would displease Herr K. would probably not have uttered it, 
but seriously, government if replying at all will not assume 
responsibility for my expressions or acts. 

French, Italian, and Servian missions arrived here few min- 
utes ago. Nothing further. Good-bye. 

32. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 30, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis y Robins at wire: 

Direct wire for embassy under consideration; will wire 
answer when received. From Hicks and Webster direct wire 
Irkutsk: ** Major Walter Drysdale American military attache 
Peking here after inspection of all prisoner camps along Amur 
line and related district. He returns to Peking to-night after 
full conference with us. No armed prisoners in district from 
Vladivostok to Chita. All well guarded. Some prisoners here 
armed: all Hungarian social revolutionists and being enlisted 
in Red army to fight against Semenoff in Manchuria. Full dis- 
cussion with Soviet oflSicials to-morrow. Drysdale wants Ameri- 
can advisory commission working on Siberian railway. Report 
in full to-morrow.'' Moscow press prints statement of Cossack 
Ataman Bogaevsky chief leader in Kaledin movement as fol- 
lows : * ' Struggle against Bolsheviks political mistake and merely 
harmful to Russia. Popular masses with Bolsheviks. This 
written at moment of life when no purpose in pretense and lies. 
Now appeal to Cossacks to cease useless slaughter in interest 
of privileged classes using brave and honest men as tools for 
unscrupulous politicians." Am sending my car to Petrograd 
with Hardy and Magnusen^ to-day. Illowaisky^ has arrived 
from Murmansk via Petrograd, reports all quiet there. For 
Ruggles from Riggs: "In my opinion first work of railroad men 
is problem of evacuation of material and rolling stock to points 
beyond limit of probable German advance. Headquarters 

1 Captains in American Ked CrosB Mission in Russia. 

2 Cossack oflBcer, interpreter for American Red Cross Mission in Russia. 



122 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Moscow with men at important points in European Russia mak- 
ing telegraphic reports. Permanent work as situation clears. 
When are you coming here? Is Yates detachment coming here? 
There are tasks intelligence, technical advice, etc.'' 

Chicherin is national commissar of F.A. Joffe is local for 
Petrograd. Nothing further. Good-bye. 



33. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 30, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Understand diplomatic relations between allies and Roumania 
severed. Can you confirm? When do commissions begin work? 

French, Italian, Serbian missions here. Serbian minister 
says no troops going America, but two hundred fifty thousand 
formerly on Russian front going Salonika, some via Archangel, 
others eastern route, and that Soviet government responding 
promptly to all requests in this connection. Why send such 
troops out of Russia if army forming to resist Germans ? Please 
answer. Will Wardwell remain in Petrograd? And when will 
he arrive? Shall read French ambassador's interview when 
comes. 

Don't think consul made such statement but if did thought 
so authorized by Department. We have had no commercial 
treaty with Russia since 1912, but that not interfering with 
commercial transactions which all consuls doubtless trying to 
promote and Soviet government should encourage. Of course 
you are doing nothing to impair Summers' efficiency as consul. 
He is consul general of Russia. Has extended experience, pos- 
sesses confidence of Department which has recently warmly com- 
mended his services. 

Authoritatively informed that large shipments being made 
to interior from Archangel where immense accumulations of 
munitions and other supplies furnished by allies on credits rep- 
resented by loans since repudiated, but Russian government 
claims ownership notwithstanding. Such position untenable and 
not recognized by local Soviet at Archangel but liquidating com- 
mission sent from Petrograd is defiantly and hurriedly ship- 
ping such supplies. Please discreetly investigate and report gov- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 123 

ernmental policy. Also what destination of supplies. Nothing 
further. Good-bye. 



34. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent March 31, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Unable to reach Chicherin yesterday; cannot answer Rou- 
manian questions until to-morrow. Sending of Slavic troops 
from Russia seems mistaken policy but French and Bohemians 
insist. Wardwell should reach Petrograd Tuesday. Will remain 
until milk is all distributed unless conditions force departure. 
Shipments from Archangel investigated by Riggs, will report 
direct. From Hicks and Webster direct wire Irkutsk: '*We are 
more than ever convinced that the Soviet here does not mean 
to extend the practice of arming war prisoners and they have 
begun to withdraw arms because of local trouble from some of 
the armed prisoners. Battle between Bolsheviks and white 
guard at Blagovieshchensk ended in complete victory for Bol- 
sheviks. In that district no war prisoners used. Japanese sub- 
jects who aided white guard were killed. Semenoff beaten and 
retreating into Manchuria. His forces Russian officers, cadets, 
Hunhuzas, and Mongols. It is claimed by Soviet that allies 
have aided Semenoff, which we denied. More to-morrow.'' 
Have just learned that Major Drysdale's report has been made 
public. Believe conditions here warrant your coming to Moscow 
if you desire. Your coming would strengthen co-operation and 
again set pace for allied embassies. Can arrange special train 
when desired. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 



35. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received March 31, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Have instructed Webster to wire me direct as you suggested. 
Suppose will continue wiring you. Have ordered Huntington 
and Thomas to Moscow immediately to assist Summers who says 



124 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

overwhelmed. Bailey ^ wires from Harbin stating unsafe for 
me leave Russia via Siberia and that Japanese ambassador and 
Chinese minister concur and state their people when leaving 
European Russia will be ordered out east. Having no intention 
of leaving Russia myself I give you this for information. Long 
garbled message just received from Wright Vladivostok which 
he reached twenty-two days after leaving here. Message garbled 
and being deciphered. 

Appears Trotsky after telling Ruggles was organizing new^ 
under last word of military science and under iron discipline, 
and purposed recalling Russian officers to assume command, 
now says Russian officers be employed as instructors only and 
given no authority, that general officers be appointed by govern- 
ment and lower officers elected. 



36. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 1, 1918.) 

For Amhassador Frcmcis, Robins at wire: 

From Irkutsk Webster and Hicks speaking: **Have had long 
conference with Irkutsk Soviet including Yanson, Yakovleff, and 
Strenberg to-day, all very friendly. Facts in full confirmed by 
independent testimony which we believe to be true. There are in 
all Siberia not over twelve hundred armed prisoners most from 
Omsk. These selected with great care as social revolutionists 
who gave up old allegiance and became citizens of the Russian 
republic. They are guarding prisoners and specially German 
officers whom Soviet fears. Not intended to use them in any 
military operations. Soviet states absurd to think they will arm 
aliens to take away their own land. Soviet gave official guar- 
antee to be communicated to our governments that a maximum 
of fifteen hundred prisoners will be armed in all Siberia and 
kept under strict control of Bolshevik officers and never allowed 
to act as independent force. Soviet states no objection to right 
free investigation at all times for senior allied consuls in Siberia 
to check the integrity of these limitations. We assured Soviet 
that allies anxious to help Russia and asked best way. They 
replied first manufactured materials from England and America 

1 Former Secretary to American Embassy. 

2 Word Army omitted. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 125 

through Vladivostok and Archangel, specially agricultural ma- 
chinery exchanged for Siberian products. We asked for list of 
available products. Second, to help in transport of supplies 
beginning by opening the Chinese Eastern Railway from Harbin 
to Manchuria station which is now broken with approval of allied 
consulates at Harbin, they claim. Third, allies could help pre- 
vent China giving protection to Semenoff forces that now 
assemble men and supplies on Chinese territory to raid Siberia. 
Soviet claims it could follow and defeat Semenoif forces but 
will not invade, unless forced to do so. Soviet said that people 
were enthusiastic against Germany and if invaded would fight 
to the last man. We were very favorably impressed by the sin- 
cerity and energy of the officials we met to-day. They are fully 
alive to the danger of broadcast arming of war prisoners and 
gave us the guarantees above stated without reserve. We feel 
it may be necessary to proceed eastward as far as Darien which 
is the center of the Semenoff trouble and site of large prisoner 
camps. Soviet encourages us to investigate this territory and 
it is the only place where armed prisoners are active." 

Riggs sent code message to Ruggles last night with impor- 
tant information and recommendation. Seriousness of proposed 
action is only equalled by its stupidity. President's acid test 
message and generous word to Soviet congress, together with 
your wise action and recommendations, will be falsified if this 
proposed action is adopted. It will not help the Western front 
and it will lose Russia permanently. Callahan leaves for 
Petrograd to-night with Smith of A.P. 

Riggs making inquiries re Archangel shipments. Did you 
sent Thacher message forwarded by direct wire to be enciphered ? 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

37. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 1, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

French, Serbian chiefs and wives lunched with me yesterday. 
When asked troops leaving country, replied had not done so, 
but no alternative from departure remained after Serbian gen- 
erals asked Russian authorities if Russian troops would stand 
by them in offensive or defensive warfare and received reply 



126 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

that would not. Am anxiously awaiting information as to des- 
tination supplies shipped from Archangel and government's 
theory concerning ownership. Furthermore, peace treaty re- 
quires peaceful remaining in Russian ports or disarming of all 
Russian war vessels, and requires Russia to treat likewise all 
foreign war craft in Russian waters. British, French war ves- 
sels are in harbors Archangel and Murmansk and Japanese, 
British, and American in Russian Pacific ports. Goes without 
saying such cannot be dismantled; how can Soviet recognize 
peace terms and permit such to remain? Can you send copy of 
Drysdale's report or substance? Huntington wires Drysdale 
returned to China. I am not considering going Moscow. 

Following message received last night for you from London : 
"Five. March thirty-first. Arrived to-day. Your seven last 
received. Thacher. ' ' 

Re Riggs message, will you see if Moscow operator still has 
it unsent? 



38. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 2, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Fra/nciSy Bohins at wire: 

Riggs left for Vologda late last evening. Please advise me of 
any developments in the Eastern situation. Four Red Cross 
men and Smith of A.P. with Callahan now in Petrograd. Two 
men of Compub planning to go Siberia to-morrow. Compub 
has had no word from Sisson since March fourteenth. Did 
Morris ^ succeed in getting him across line in Finland ? Nothing 
further here from Far Eastern situation from British sources. 
For Ruggles from Prince : ^ ' Has cipher message number twenty 
been received? Telegram just received from Petrograd April 
first signed Hardy: ** Everything quiet. Have wired Wardwell 
to come direct.'* 

Give Stevens' exact address. 

Smith expects remain three days. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

1 American Minister to Sweden. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 127 

39. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 2, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Riggs message received. Am cabling Washington; think be 
exceedingly unwise to follow recommendation now ; think highly 
improbable our government will comply with request. Mean- 
time colleagues here and myself anxiously awaiting information 
concerning organization of army and disposition of supplies 
shipped from Archangel. 

Message from Stevens, Harbin received three days ago ac- 
knowledged receipt my telegram but think garbled message 
stated would await positive orders from Washington before send- 
ing railway men to European Russia; telegram received late 
yesterday also badly garbled indicated men were starting for 
Vologda. As men are sent on urgent request of government, 
steps should be promptly taken for their protection, maintenance 
and for expediting their movements. Suggest your sending fol- 
lowing for me to Stevens: "Vologda April second. Your un- 
numbered, undated message received ; garbled but think it states 
units under Colonel Emerson representing yourself starting for 
European Russia. Have asked government to expedite and pro- 
tect train conveying Emerson party and have assurance same will 
be done. Please give professions and number of men. Also date 
of departure from Harbin and from Manchuria station. 
Francis. ' ' 

Am sending like message from here, but think you can prob- 
ably get it through quicker from there. Suggest you arrange 
to have experienced transportation official unconnected, uniden- 
tified with politics to come here to arrange disposition of 
Emerson force before it arrives. Following received signed 
Davison but not through Department nor addressed to embassy 
— who is acting in Davison ^s place? ''Washington 15156 
March 30. Your special Red Cross: glad do any relief and 
hospital work that is feasible and practicable. Keep us advised 
all you do and make recommendations. All well. For Robins : 
'Met Bessie Beatty New York. Doing our utmost here for Russia. 
Thank God your staying. Mizpah. Signed Margaret. ' ^ Davison. 

iMrs. Raymond Robins. 



jy 



128 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

How long will Smith remain in Petrograd? Wish inform 
Rennick. Stevens, care American consul Harbin. 



40. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 3, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Rohins at wire: 

Telegrams have been sent by government here to All-Siberian 
Soviet, local Soviets, and railroad authorities to protect, expe- 
dite and aid in every way the transport of American railroad 
engineers under command of Colonel Emerson to Vologda. As 
soon as possible the railroad official desired will report at 
Vologda for the purposes named. I sent telegram to Stevens 
as instructed noon yesterday. Eliot Wadsworth acts for 
Davison in his absence. Letter sent by messenger from Petro- 
grad signed Hardy gives details of milk distribution and con- 
dition of city, all very satisfactory. 
From Webster and Hicks direct wire Irkutsk: 

**Have visited large prison camp here; eleven thousand, 
mostly Austrians. Given every facility to see management and 
talk with prisoners. Camp discipline excellent ; Russian sentries 
on guard; rigid permit system to leave camp; only about score 
of prisoners armed and used as guards. Have been asked to 
visit Chita and Manchurian border and report upon Semenoff 
raids. Latest information Semenoff gathering supplies and men 
for new raid into Siberia. He has ample money, is paying 
high price for soldiers and has fourteen pieces of artillery. 
Source of money and guns claimed to be Russian monarchists 
and allies. Soviet states if allies wish orderly Siberia, only 
necessary to withdraw protection from Semenoff ventures and 
prevent use allied territory for preparation of his raids. China 
seems troubled over Russian troops on her border. If she will 
outlaw Semenoff and similar ventures, all Russian troops in 
that area will be withdrawn. We feel difficult to convince of 
our sincerity, if we cannot stop this unfair protection on allied 
soil of those who invade her territory and seek to overthrow 
her government.'' 

Later from same persons: **Yacovleff president all Siberian 
Soviet and Yanson president of Irkutsk Soviet just visited us 
making urgent request we proceed to-morrow to Chita for the 
following reasons. Some twenty days ago the Chinese and Rus- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 129 

sian governments came to an agreement that Semenoff should 
not be allowed Chinese territory for a certain period. This 
period expires April fifth. Chinese delegates will be at Chita 
and Yacovleff and Yanson go for conference. Soviet urge us to 
accompany them and have sent telegram to Trotzki asking his 
aid for us in accompanying them. We think it ill advised to 
refuse this offer, and if we miss this opportunity for unbiased 
report upon actual conditions, Soviet can always claim it made 
offer and we refused to get the facts. Especially will this be 
unfortunate if the fighting continues and the allied cause in 
Siberia suffers thereby.'^ Lockhart joins in ordering Hicks and 
Webster to accept offer and accompan}^ Soviet officials to Chita 
simply for the purpose of making report. Let me know that 
this action has your approval. Elections here have kept all 
government officials busy in factory meetings and other gather- 
ings. Conference with Chicherin yesterday satisfactory, but 
delay report until confirmation by Lenin who I expect to see six 
this evening. 

For Ruggles from Prince: ''Repeat yesterday's message." 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

41. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 3, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 

Heard nothing from Sisson since I left Petrograd. Stock- 
holm cabled Crosley and twelve Americans expected arrive 
Stockholm twenty-ninth. Gave no names. No advice since. 

Department cables authorizing purchase of platinum through 
any agency, and shipment by whatever route I may select but 
says *'For your guidance, material highly desirable but not 
absolutely necessary. Market here about one hundred dollars 
per ounce." I suppose Russian government not so disturbed 
about the price as fears we may wish to credit value on indebt- 
edness of Russian government to us. Please confer with Stevens 
and Bronsky, and give price for delivery American consul 
Vladivostok, or me here, or consul Archangel. Suppose Bronsky 
would prefer Stevens draft on National City, New York to mine 
on State Department; tell Stevens I will give him draft on 
Department or cable for payment if he prefers. If shipment 
made via Atlantic insurance would be important factor, and 



130 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

much less via Pacific. Understand quantity in question is 
eighteen poods. Would govenimcnt demand payment in roubles 
here? If so tell Stevens must know rate exchange. If govern- 
ment desires, credit in America or London or Paris might be 
arranged, but probably no other city. 

Riggs arrived. Have most pathetic letter from Kalpachni- 
koff's^ sister saying he has been placed in solitary confinement 
and is eking out a horrible existence. As he was a Red Cross 
worker, I feel it my duty to ascertain charges against him. Can 
you assist? Nothing further. Have you? Good-bye. 



42. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 4, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis j Robins at wire: 

Munitions that are being evacuated from Archangel are sent 
to Moscow, the Urals and Siberian towns. Soviet government 
desires to take up the matter of payment for these munitions, 
and expects to pay for them in raw materials, but asks for time 
to organize the economic resources of the country. Soviet gov- 
ernment is evacuating all war materials from Petrograd into 
the interior, and asks who can seriously think that a government, 
whose best soldiers have fought against German control in 
Ukraine and Finland, can now be planning to furnish to Ger- 
many the power to enslave their own land. Nothing short of 
Japanese invasion can change the deep resentment all Russians 
feel against Germany ^s robber raid and shameful peace forced 
upon Russia at the point of the bayonet. Soviet government is 
eager to satisfy America of good faith and secure economic 
organization through American supervising skill, but, if every 
evil rumor becomes foundation for suspicion, co-operation will 
be impossible. Is not five months of control undisputed by any 
effective internal force, and which has survived armed conflict 
in the Don, Ukraine, Caucasus, Siberia, and Great Russia, to- 
gether with the signing of a shameful peace and the abandon- 
ment of the capital, and still maintains control of undisputed 
power, sufficient evidence of the foundation in Russian life and 

1 Colonel Kalpaclinikoff, a Russian previously connected with the 
American Red Cross Mission to Rumania, TTe was charged by the Soviet 
authorities with an attempt to ship American Red Cross automobiles to 
General Kakdin on the Don. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 131 

will of the Soviet government? This was the substance of con- 
ference yesterday evening with Lenin. Will take up Kalpach- 
nikoff release at first opportunity. Unable to get copy of Drys- 
dale 's report, simply saw extracts and comment upon same, both 
limited and insufficient. Your message platinum reached 
Stevens too late for him to see Bronski yesterday. Stevens wants 
payment his bank in New York ordered by you by cable. Pur- 
chase of this platinum more important to prevent falling into 
other hands than for use in U.S. Expect definite result from 
negotiations to-day. Reliable report from Petrograd just re- 
ceived assures control there of effective force by Soviet power 
for all domestic needs. Commander of Red Guard, Waskoff, 
personal friend of mine, fearless and resourceful. He went to 
Finland, personally led three assaults on the White Guards, in 
which five of his staff command were killed. So long as he 
commands Petrograd Red Guard, I am entirely satisfied with 
local situation. 

Instruct Wardwell advise fully with you — then go to Petro- 
grad at once. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

43. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 4, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Rohins: 

After two sessions of two hours each with military attaches 
and Garston, ^ allied ambassadors agreed to cable their respective 
governments, advising against Japanese interference or interven- 
tion for present. I had done so day or two before. 

44. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent Aprils, 1918.) 

For 'Amhassador Francis, Rohins at wire: 

Have not received your approval of order authorizing 
Webster to continue investigation eastern Siberia. Prince ^ for- 
mally put in undisputed possession of palace in which American 

1 Captain attached to British Mission. 

2 Captain Prince. 



132 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

military mission are occupying two rooms, by Muralloff, com- 
mander Moscow district, six yesterday evening. Anarchists 
entered on formal order of Soviet committee without violence 
and left ditto. Whole matter tempest in teapot, growing out of 
effort to protect large palace and wine cellar occupied by Rus- 
sian Prince, by what I consider misuse of American flag. Effort 
made by some here to create an international issue against Soviet 
authority entirely unwarranted by the facts. Anarchists here 
as in Petrograd are being financed under questionable circum- 
stances. Charge that Soviet power fears them is simply another 
false tale. Am making this statement to you confidentially and 
with no desire to make trouble for anyone, but will not allow 
stupid incident to be used against co-operation either here or 
in America, if I can help it, and am prepared to prove the above 
statement of facts if necessary. Stevens conferred with Bronski 
regarding platinum purchase yesterday. Stevens asks that you 
cable Washington and find out if the price they gave was per 
ounce troy or avoirdupois, also for what percentage fineness. 
Prom Webster, Hicks en route Matzievskay a : * ' Conference takes 
place April sixth. We are with Soviet officials and are fully 
advised of their position. Will get the other side upon arrival.^* 
Nothing further. Good-bye. 

45. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 5, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 

I note what you say concerning removal of supplies from 
Archangel, but that is the first information I have had from any 
source as to plan of Soviet to compensate allies for supplies 
removed from Archangel, in face of protest from allied represen- 
tatives. Pleased to learn of evacuation of Petrograd war muni- 
tions. Military attaches left yesterday afternoon six o'clock; 
Garston requests Lockhart be informed. French and Italian 
generals lunched with me yesterday and expressed themselves 
as pleased with the result of the conference which I proposed, 
and which satisfactory from every viewpoint. Riggs and 
Garston will give you results. Wardwell arrived one PM yes- 
terday ; dined with me, left for Petrograd about ten PM ; made 
interesting report concerning situation and occurrences 
Murmansk. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 133 

46. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 6, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Of course don't object to Webster proceeding Chita — in fact 
think he should, as consider him admirably qualified for such 
investigation. You will recall, however, that when you first 
advised that Webster and Hicks were going and suggested they 
be accompanied by American military officer, I replied that 
Huntington and MacGowan were already at Irkutsk and that 
was sufficient, my impression being that Webster and Hicks were 
going on request of Trotsky accompanied by Soviet representa- 
tive as their testimony would carry weight. Furthermore, was 
pleased that they were going, as was provoked at Huntington 
for delaying to report, and MacGowan 's cipher telegrams were 
unintelligible. Hope you understand and don't think I am 
criticising, as sincerely pleased that Webster and Hicks investi- 
gating. 

The following is strictly confidential for the present. Wired 
the second that Stevens advised railroad men were starting, and 
asked you to forward message to him in which I gave him 
instructions, sending the same telegram from Vologda. Was 
surprised yesterday to receive cable from Department, stating 
were withholding decision about railroad men coming here until 
learned specifically for what needs and what duties. This not- 
withstanding I had requested them to come to Vologda for 
conference with me, and natural inference was that would be 
assigned no work without my approval. 

Immediately cabled Department giving reasons for railwaj^ 
men; also wired Stevens asking when Emerson party started 
and how composed. My impression was that government would 
employ Emerson party in advisory capacity, which would result 
in American railway mission reorganizing and virtually direct- 
ing entire Russian railway system, especially Trans-Siberian, 
whose efficiency was augmented by adopting American railway 
commission methods. 

Think platinum sold by troy ounce, one hundred per cent 
fineness, but have cabled for confirmation and have asked New 
York value. Understand Stevens wishes purchase money de- 
posited with his bank New York when transaction closed, and 



134 EUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

so cabled. Is Bronsky receiving credit in New York or roubles 
in Russia? And if latter at what rate? Embassy staff salary 
checks for March not yet sold. What rate could be realized at 
Moscow ? 

Following message received from Martin, Murmansk, for 
Wardwell, dated fourth: ** British admiralty states Red Cross 
and YMCA supplies are not included in shipment now en route 
from England. ' ' Following from Thacher, London : * ' One. Ar- 
rived March thirty first. Your one received.*' Following from 
Helene Wardwell: ** Easter greetings, well.*' For Riggs from 
Ruggles: ** Orders relative Yates temporarily suspended." 
From Johnston: ''Since receiving yours attempted to communi- 
cate with Ambassador but failed." 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 



47. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 6, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Riggs, Garston et al returned last evening. Congratulations 
upon your diplomacy both in purpose and method. Yesterday 
evening I was called by Chicherin to foreign office where 
Japanese landing at Vladivostok^ was discussed. Spoke guard- 
edly of your efforts to prevent hostile intervention and your 
success with foreign representatives at Vologda, and what seemed 
to be the friendly purpose of allies. Urged that Vladivostok 
incident be treated as local and to be settled by friendly 
diplomacy. Later urged this same policy upon other leaders 
of government here. Evident that Soviet government fears 
hostile intervention and will, if this purpose develops within 
next days, declare war on Japan. In that event the latent hos- 
tility of all Russian people to Mongolian domination will 
transform present resentment against Germany into far more 
bitter resentment against allies. Already complete mobilization 
of all Soviet forces in Siberia has been ordered by All-Siberian 
Soviet. We are now at most dangerous crisis in Russian situa- 
tion, and if colossal blunder of hostile Japanese intervention 

1 On April 5 Japanese and British marines were landed at Vladivostok. 
Protests were made by the Vladivostok Soviet. The Japanese representa- 
tive stated that the incident was only a local one and that Admiral Kato 
had acted on his own initiative. See Document 82. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 135 

takes place all American advantages are confiscated. Important 
that I should be able to make some statement from you to 
Soviet government to-day. Have you any instructions? Soviet 
government believes America can prevent hostile intervention, 
and if Japanese advance, it means America has consented. From 
Izvestia: "The imperialists of Japan w^ant to choke the Russian 
revolution and cut off Russia from the Pacific. They v^^ant to 
grab the rich territory of Siberia and enslave Siberian workmen 
and peasants. What do the other allied countries intend to do? 
Until now their policy was evidently uncertain. The United 
States was, it seemed, against Japanese invasion, but now the 
situation cannot any longer remain uncertain. The British have 
landed a descent right after the Japanese. Does this mean that 
England intends to go hand in hand with Japan in strangling 
Russia? This question must be put to the British government 
most categorically. Such a question must be put to the diplo- 
matic representative of the United States and also to the other 
allied governments. One or another answer, and mainly the 
action of the allies, will have an important meaning for the 
nearest international policy of the Soviet government.'' 

From statement issued by Vladivostok Soviet: **We have 
taken measures through the city militia and others to find the 
criminals who attacked and killed the Japanese storekeeper. 
The unusual circumstances of the murder without robbery 
makes it evident that it was political. The lie of Japanese 
Admiral Kato is evident and shows that it was an excuse." 
The All-Russian Central Committee of Soviet government has 
issued an order to show resistance to any invasion of Russian 
territory. 

For Ruggles from Riggs: **A11 well. Please send Bukovsky 
to relieve Prince." 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

48. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 7, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Soviet government attaching undue weight to landing of 
Japanese, which American consul confirms, but says nothing 
about landing of British. There is thorough understanding 



136 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

among the allies concerning their intervention in Russia, includ- 
ing Japanese intervention, and that understanding is to the 
effect that there is no intention or desire on the part of any of 
Russia's allies to attach any of Russia's territory' or to make 
an invasion of conquest. On the other hand the allies desire 
to see the integrity of Russia preserved and are willing and 
desirous to aid the Russian people to that end. 
Nothing further. 

49. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 7, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Right to use direct wires was abolished for all except Soviet 
officials. Secured renewal only on direct government order. 
Direct wires greatly overburdened, government requests com- 
munications brief as possible and cipher messages excluded. 
Andrews, Hardy returned Moscow yesterday; Wardwell Petro- 
grad safely; all quiet there. Riggs sent cipher recommenda- 
tions allied military missions Far East situation. Tone govern- 
ment press indicates preparedness to resist Japanese invasion. 
Both instruments held for us since eleven o'clock. Please be 
on time. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

50. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 8, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Gave substance of your yesterday's wire to Chicherin. 
Soviet government waits for definite answer from America and 
other allied governments upon questions arising from Japanese 
landing at Vladivostok. While urging accommodation steadily, 
there is, in my judgment, little hope agreement with Soviet gov- 
ernment for intervention under present circumstances. German 
menace is much more immediate, and if Soviet forced to choose 
between Japanese bayonets five thousand miles away and Ger- 
man bayonets two hundred miles away, the choice is not difficult 
to guess. Fear of Mongolian domination is now ralljang support 
for Soviet, and may v/ell give them longer lease of life than 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 137 

possible otherwise. Tokoi of Finnish Soviet government, whom 
you met, here to-day, and tells of German landing ten thousand 
troops in southern Finland and their co-operation with White 
Guard. States that treaty makes Finland German Ukraine, and 
unless help from England or America comes, Murmansk Red 
Guard slowly starved out. Answered would send you informa- 
tion. 

For Ruggles from Riggs: ^* Believe written reply to letter 
brought you advisable." 

From Chita signed Jenking : * ' Webster, Hicks passed, return- 
ing from Manchuria. Will report from Irkutsk after conference 
there." 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

51. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 8, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Robins: 

Nothing from Department concerning Japanese policy. 
Statement sent you yesterday morning was based on status be- 
fore landing of Japanese and British, and, if same is given out, 
should be changed, omitting **but says nothing about landing 
of British" and should say ** previous to this incident, and when 
I last received advices from Washington and from Tokio, there 
was thorough understanding, etc. etc." 

Stevens delivered Chicherin's letter on arrival last evening 
and same cabled immediately to Department with your explana- 
tion as made to Stevens. Why addressed to you? Situation 
difficult, delicate, requiring adroit handling to prevent Japanese- 
German alliance. Russo-German alliance not impossible, but 
would mean inevitable overthrow of Soviet government. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

52. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 9, 1918.) 

For the Ambassador, Robins at wire: 

Chicherin letter addressed me, unauthorized, unofficial rep- 
resentative, to avoid necessity of direct reply by you, avoiding 



138 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

complication involved non recognition status. Chicherin wise, 
well informed, wishing co-operation for help Soviet government. 
Desires avoid conflict, if possible. Substance of your revised 
statement given foreign office, but no publication authorized. 
Cannot prevent unauthorized statements, but so far have seen 
nothing hurtful. Cable from Thompson April third: ** Believe 
all relief you may ask for will be furnished Russian government, 
to prevent German interference Russian freedom.*' Conserva- 
tive paper here prints alleged despatch from Vologda, stating 
that American embassy has received cable from Washington, 
saying Japanese landing was with approval of allied govern- 
ments. Government press bitterly anti-Japanese. 

For Ruggles from Riggs: ''Assume you get data Stevens, 
City Bank. Cabling you to-day. For Packer: Please send mili- 
tary information books and maps for compiling weekly cable." 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 



53. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 9, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
To Colonel Rohins: 

Had thorough talk with Stevens about platinum which he is 
looking after. Garbled message from Department through 
Vladivostok, indicates had heard of landing, about which ap- 
parently unconcerned. My diplomatic colleagues, including 
Japanese charge, think landing merely police precaution and not 
beginning of general intervention scheme, which is view I 
endeavored to indicate in statement wired you, which was 
cabled to American press. Of course allies will not openly 
disagree. 

Johnston says telegraph manager told him could not permit 
him to remain in operating room or use direct wire without 
special order from national commissaire. Johnston will file this 
for you at usual place promptly at eleven and will wait fifteen 
minutes only. Commissaire been exceedingly accommodating 
for four weeks, and I appreciate same highly, being not the least 
offended by withdrawal of privilege, which expect to pay there- 
fore. Can send Johnston to wire or go myself any time on 
fifteen minutes notice, which telegraph manager can transmit to 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 139 

embassy. Otherwise must respect wishes of local manager. 
Nothing further. Good-bye. 



54. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 10, 1918.) 

Colonel Robins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Ninth. Department cables Kato solely responsible for landing 
troops, and immediately advised British and American admirals 
and consuls had done so purely for protection Japanese life and 
property. 

Francis. 

55. from colonel robins 

(Sent April 10, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Hope to have your direct wire service resumed shortly. From 
Webster, Hicks, direct wire Irkutsk: **Had final meeting with 
Soviet, who reaffirmed limitation of armed prisoners, with reser- 
vation in case of uninvited intervention, liberty arming all re- 
sources necessary. Re Manchurian front, obliged to state with- 
out in any way taking sides, that Soviet very moderate and 
reasonable. Chinese constrained against settlement as agreed 
at first conference, refusing to negotiate with government un- 
recognized by allies, stating Semenoff might be regarded as power 
favored by allies. Chief aim negotiations by Soviet, opening rail- 
way for transport, which desirable, but handicapped by allied 
non-recognition. Soviet desires recognition: First, assure them 
central Russian government ; second, would make foreign troops 
unnecessary preserve domestic order; third, if Germany attacks 
enable them invite allies co-operate; fourth, assure exchange of 
raw materials for manufactured supplies with allies. We 
heartily agree these statements and urge utmost effort to secure 
such recognition. We fully convinced mutual advantage such 
co-operation after investigation along entire Siberian line. Im- 
pressed with sincerity and strength of authorities Siberian 
Soviets. Soviets regard peace agreement same Moscow leaders. 
Soviet fears Vladivostok incident prejudice allies, notwithstand- 
ing Soviet doing utmost to protect foreigners. Some three hun- 



140 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

dred Red Guards passed on way Manehurian front. We speak 
of this forestall rumors. Will investigate Krasnoyarsk and 
Omsk, returning to-night Moscow/' 

Two more long telegrams same source, assume you have con- 
tents direct. Your telegram of ninth, beginning department end- 
ing property, received, W^ill give substance of contents to foreign 
office at once. Confusion here over press reports of alleged state- 
ment from embassy published in Vologda: **Rustel agency wires 
from Vologda April seventh : American embassy received from its 
government cable, stating Japanese landing in Vladivostok took 
place with general approval allied powers. Purpose of landing 
assistance Russian interests in struggle with Grerman invasion.'' 

I have denied that this statement was authorized by you. 

Nothing further. 

56. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 11, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Bohins at wire: 

Did not receive direct wire message from you yesterday. Have 
sent you daily message ; have all been received ? Have you been 
notified of the renewal of right to use direct wire from Vologda ? 
Far Eastern situation better, but still greatly embarrasses 
understanding and co-operation. Am asked about coming of 
railroad men. What shall I answer? Ditto economic commis- 
sion. Telegram just received Wardwell, Petrograd, states evacua- 
tion all supplies from warehouse rapid and satisfactory. City 
quiet. 

Nothing further. Good-bye. 

57. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 12, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Ransome returned from Petrograd yesterday. Reports city 
quiet, Red Guard control absolute. No difficulty entering or 
leaving city. Some concern over German and White Guard 
advance in Finland. Brought letter from Wardwell. He 
reports everything satisfactory. British cables Lockhart support 
view of your last telegram to me April ninth. General Maii- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 141 

nerheim, commander W'hite Guards Finland, Russian general of 
old Tsar's Staff issued an order: '*The German victorious and 
mighty army landed Finland to help against infamous Bol- 
sheviks, and to help the friendship the Finnish people have 
always had for the noble Kaiser and mighty German people. 
Fighting shoulder to shoulder with the great German army, the 
Finnish army should be imbued with the discipline that has 
brought that army from victory to victory. He greets the brave 
German troops and hopes that every Finn will realize the great 
sacrifice of the noble German people, who are helping them in 
an hour when every man is needed on the Western front. ' ' 

Have had nothing from you since message April ninth. 

Nothing further. 

58. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 12, 1918.) 

Vologda. 
Eohins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Tenth. If see no objection embassy requests following be 
wired Webster : * * If possible purchase and bring for embassy and 
military mission following provisions, reimbursement to be made 
you on arrival Vologda: 2,000 pounds white flour, 600 pounds 
potatoes, 600 pounds rice, six cases eggs, three poods butter and 
1,000 pounds meat, 1,000 pounds sugar.'' 

Francis. 

59. from ambassador francis 
(Received April 12, 1918.) 

Colonel Robins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Twelfth. Following message received to-day from London 
for you, partly badly garbled, from Thacher : ** Six. April ninth. 
Your special number one and eight received. Leaving to-morrow, 
doing everything possible. No telegrams from Lockhart or 
Ransome. Saw Graham, his attitude general situation encourag- 
ing. Tell Lockhart, Phelan says he has seen everyone who mat- 
ters and is much encouraged with progress made. Send future 
cables America. Your sister delighted to hear of your splendid 
work. Sends love. Davison in Italy." 

Answering your inquiry, not notified resumption direct wire. 



142 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Cabled inquiry concerning admission economic commission, 
no reply. Meantime wired you of arrival here some technical 
members of a proposed commission to America and you replied. 
As appeared some confusion, do nothing more for present. 

Also wired you that Department asked more definite informa- 
tion concerning work of railroad men after apparently ordering 
Stevens to come, and Stevens having advised was sending 
Emerson. Subsequently received telegram from Stevens saying 
no men be sent, and also cable from the Department stating had 
instructed Stevens to await further advice. Sending of railroad 
men complicated if not prevented by excitement over Japanese, 
British landing, and probably nothing will eventuate until excite- 
ment allayed. Meantime might get more detail from government 
concerning use of railroad men. You thought government might 
assign operation of Siberian to American railway commission ; if 
would do so and commission would be protected in operation I 
would so recommend; confidentially, however, Stevens been 
frightened since October and would recommend his remaining on 
Chinese Eastern or returning America. Trotsky letter to Riggs 
of March twenty-first, giving assignments of railway units, was 
brought by Riggs to Vologda April third, and did not come to 
my notice until several days later, two weeks after I had cabled 
Department and wired Stevens to send railroad men to Vologda 
for conference with me, and I again cabled such plan when asked 
by Department for what purpose men required. 

Francis. 

60. from ambassador francis 

(Telegram sent April 12, 1918, by courier.) 

Colonel Robins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Twelfth. American consul Vladivostok wires eleventh: 
orders received there from Soviet to ship immediately to Eu- 
ropean Russia all machinery, machine tools, explosives, shells, 
metals now there, and that other freight and if necessary pas- 
senger trafiic be suspended for such purposes. This confidential 
but am advising you because if true may possibly cause con- 
certed allied action. Am also advising Summers by same 
courier. The situation is delicate and requires consideration 
before making any move. 

Francis. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 143 

61. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 13, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Your telegrams tenth re Webster purchasing supplies for 
embassy, and twelfth general daily message three hundred forty 
words, received together noon yesterday. Message for Webster 
too late for transmission. Suggest you send courier Petrograd 
to bring you such butter, flour, and sugar as remains Red 
Cross supplies warehouse there. On instructions from you will 
so advise Wardwell. April ninth, eleven o'clock morning, 
AmRedCross automobile stolen ten armed anarchists. Placed 
event before leaders of Soviet government without resentment, 
demanding final demonstration power government against armed 
bandits and fortress centers calling themselves anarchists. 
Yesterday morning at two o'clock Soviet forces appeared simul- 
taneously before twenty-six different bandit headquarters, de- 
manded surrender all weapons five minutes. Some cases immedi- 
ate surrender, others offered strong resistance machine guns from 
windows, bombs and small cannon. Soviet used four inch cannon 
where resistance lasted beyond ten minutes. One big house 
blown pieces anarchists fighting from cellar until dislodged by 
smoke bombs. Five hundred twenty-two arrests, forty killed 
wounded anarchists. Soviet, three killed, fourteen wounded. 
Large rooms found packed with stolen goods, some great value. 
Some Grerman machine guns new make, not elsewhere found in 
Russia. Number of ex officers Russian army among prisoners. 
Soviet government has now destroyed bandit organization born 
in first days first revolution March, which Kerensky government 
and Duma dared not attack. Moscow quiet to-day. Soviet 
action commended by all press except Menshivik, which de- 
nounces Soviet for violence. National commissar post and tele- 
graphs had wired order to Vologda office to let you use direct 
wire as before. 

Nothing further. 



144 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

62. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 13, 1918.) 

Robins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Thirteenth. Serbian minister Spalaikovitch in Moscow to 
see government concerning Serbian refugees and soldiers. Lega- 
tion secretary brought to embassy yesterday telegraim from 
Serbian professor Moscovlevitch, vrho appears to have arrived 
at Samara after departure of large number Serbian refugees, 
who were at Samara when last heard from. Moscovlevitch wires 
from Tchelabinsk, where he has 100 school children, and appeals 
through American embassy to American Red Cross, which, tele- 
gram says, has already extended amount forty-five thousand 
roubles. This aid may have been extended by Roumanian mis- 
sion, but don't you think relief now proper Red Cross work? 
If not, cannot see how American aid can be extended. Under- 
stand 1800 refugees Serbians, when driven from own country, 
settled in Roumania, but thence by German advance into 
Russia where have been since; received seventy-five thousand 
roubles monthly from empire and provisional government, but 
Soviet extended forty-five thousand only and stopped. Please 
inquire of government and Serbian minister now in Moscow 
and tell me how to answer Serbian legation here. 

Francis. 

63. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 14, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Saw Summers regarding Serbian relief; found you had 
wired him and he had acted without conference with me. Ac- 
cepted his action and leave matter in his hands. Kindly advise 
me in future when same matters are referred to both. This 
will save confusion, duplication, and regrets. Talked with 
Ward well over telephone yesterday regarding food supplies for 
embassy; found nearly all our supplies already distributed. 
Ordered him to hold all possible until your wishes were known. 
There seems to be some check on our co-operation here. Con- 
fidently expect prompt notification from you direct, when policy 
altered or changed. British co-operation increasing steadily. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 145 

Did you see Ambassador Buchanan's^ interview? Lockhart 
seems winning, both here and at home, increasing support British 
help Soviet government. Wire connections Finland broken. 
Please send via Archangel following message clear: ''Davison, 
American Eed Cross, Washington: Wardwell, Magnusen — 
Petrograd, finishing milk distribution. Hardy, Andrews — 
Moscow. Webster returning war prisoner investigation Siberia, 
admirably done. Sec. State has substance reports. ''For 
Thompson: 'Have seen Hoffman family. All well, send love. 
Our old friend still unwilling help here. All recommendations 
further work wait upon large co-operation between govern- 
ments.' All well. April fourteen, Moscow. Robins.'' 



64. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 15, 1918.) 

Robins f Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Fourteenth. Unconfirmed report here that Murman line cut. 
Is it true ? Please answer immediately. Martin wires eleventh, 
severe fighting on line between White Guards and Russians, and 
reported White Guard advance on Kemm repulsed ; says armored 
train eight cars equipped with three inch pieces and machine 
guns with French gunners and train load of Russian, French, 
and British gunners and engineers left Murmansk Wednesday 
night in defense of line. Please answer immediately. Nothing 
further from Department or East. Following received yesterday 
for you from London: "Seven. April tenth. Telegram from 
Davison in Rome necessitates change of plans. He wishes me 
go Paris for conferences matters covered by your cables. "Prob- 
ably here few days, then Paris. Will write dates when settled. 
Suggest you cable fully through embassies here and Paris, 
progress made along lines indicated special number one and 
effect of recent events on these plans. Scare tales referred to 
your eighth still persist. Thacher." 

Vologda office not received necessary order for use of 
apparatus. 

Francis. 

1 Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador, who was then in England. 



146 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

65. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 15, 1918.) 

Colonel Robins, Hotel Elitey Moscow: 

Fifteenth. Am awaiting explanation from Summers concern- 
ing Serbian relief. 

What are relations between Soviet and Finland? How near 
are White Guards to Petrograd? Where is cable cut? Few? 
Why are White Guards attacking Murman line? New map 
Finland seen by Kliefoth when returning from Tomeo Febru- 
ary comprised Russian territory to Murman line, showing Finns 
endeavoring to recover territory lost to Peter the Great. This 
movement against Russia evidently encouraged and assisted by 
Germany, and is hostile to Russia, while Soviet is receiving 
Mirbach ^ and sending JofPe to Berlin. What is explanation ? 

When will Webster arrive Vologda ? Note you advise Davison 
Sec. State has substance Webster reports. Have you sent same 
other than through me? Please answer. 

Francis. 

q^q. from colonel robins 

(Sent April 15, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Eobims at wire: 

Received your telegram by courier yesterday. Nothing by 
direct wire. Your fourteenth just received. Unable secure con- 
firmation Murmansk line cut. Will advise first authentic infor- 
mation. American citizen, engineer named Barry, arrested 
Saturday night and quarters searched. Authorities claim in- 
criminating papers found. Consul general has protested. Above 
substance of statement made me by Chicherin. Told Chicherin 
must decline investigate incident until authorized by you or 
interests of AmRedCross involved. Please send following 
cipher : ' * Davison, AmRedCross, American Embassy, Paris. Ex- 
tra three, Moscow April fifteenth. Thacher's seven, April tenth, 
received. Recent events emphasize recommendations for economic 
constructive program co-operation between Soviet government 
and America. Complete wiping out anarchist organized force 
Moscow final vindication Soviet internal control. Simply repeat 

1 Count von Mirbach, Grerman Ambassador to Russia. 



1 7 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 147 

cumulative conclusions for five months. Unless such co-operation 
between governments, useful work ended May first. Wardwell 
finishing milk distribution Petrograd. Webster returning from 
Siberian war prisoner investigation, admirably done. Substance 
reports Sec. State, Washington. Complete refutation armed war 
prisoner scare. Hardy, Andrews here. All well.' 
Nothing further. 



67. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 16, 1918.) 

Colonel Eohins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Sixteenth. Your fourteenth, fifteenth. Did Summers say he 
had been working on the Serbian relief before receipt of my 
telegram, which did not instruct or request his work thereon, but 
only suggested that he direct Serbian minister then in Moscow 
to you on the subject? This is proper Red Cross work, and you 
acted very discreetly in refusing participation in Barry case, 
which proper consular work at all times. What business rela- 
tions has Summers with Soviet? Your messages forwarded. 
Following received this morning from London for you: ** Leav- 
ing for Paris to-night. Probably there ten days. If possible 
will then return home to co-operate with Thompson. Thacher." 

Francis. 

68. from colonel robins 

(Sent April 16, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Yesterday Tokoi, with four members of the revolutionary 
Finnish government, submitted the following for transmission 
to America through you: ''Considering that representatives 
from foreign states from time to time have drawn the attention 
of the Finnish republican commissioners to the fact that the 
present fight still raging everywhere in Finland ought to be con- 
sidered as a regular war, and consequently the prisoners taken 
ought to be treated as usual prisoners of war, in accordance with 
everywhere accepted national law, and further considering that 
the Finnish republican commissioners have always shown them- 
selves ready to take due notice of the complaints and remarks 



148 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

of the said foreign representatives, and in many instances even 
have acted in accordance with their appeals, the commissioners 
of the Finnish republic now venture to approach the govern- 
ments of all the allied nations with an appeal of a similar kind 
in favor of the soldiers belonging to the Finnish Red Guard. In 
doing this we beg to draw your attention to the fact that the 
troops of General Mannerheim have repeatedly shot or mal- 
treated not only their prisoners but also the civil population, 
men as well as women and children, and even persons belonging 
to the Finnish Red Cross, which, especially the last indictment, 
by the whole civilized world must be and will be classed among 
the vilest crimes. Now that the troops of General Mannerheim 
assisted by Germans during the last days of battle have taken 
several thousands of our soldiers prisoners, we feel it our duty 
to apply for assistance in the name and in the service of hu- 
manity. Consequently we appeal to all the powers belonging 
to the entente, that they might first demand that the troops of 
General Mannerheim and his German confederates shall treat 
the armed prisoners they have taken in Finland as prisoners 
of war; second, demand the inunediate release of all persons 
belonging to the Red Cross service in Finland as well as of all 
aged people, women, and children that have been imprisoned 
or interned by the above mentioned forces. Third, grant the 
right of emigration to all political refugees from Finland, and 
finally, fourth, give an official declaration to the fact that the 
forces of the Finnish Socialist Republic have not acted as ter- 
rorists or lawbreakers but as revolutionary soldiers in regular 
armed conflict.*' 

Your two telegrams dated fifteenth received this morning. 
Soviet government friendly, Finnish socialist revolutionary gov- 
ernment carefully avoiding violation openly treaty terms. 
Cable connections Helsingfors cut. Murmansk line still 
open seven last night. Webster instructed confer fully with 
you Vologda, should arrive about Sunday. Have sent nothing 
Sec. State direct except through you. Report in full Red Cross 
of course. Recent elections Moscow Soviet, total to date four 
hundred sixty-nine: Bolsheviks four hundred fifteen, Men- 
sheviks forty-two, Right Soc. Rev. twelve. Previous Soviet con- 
tained one hundred eighteen Mensheviks. Again advised direct 
wire service for you Vologda renewed. 

Nothing further. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 149 

69. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 17, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Bohins at wire: 

Re Serbian relief, first came to my attention telegram from 
Colton, YMCA Samara, asking for money help. Took matter up 
with Summers, reached agreement. Summei^ said Crane would 
give forty thousand dollars his request, consul's policy against 
Colton proposal AmRedCross help. Your telegram reopened 
closed subject consul preferred dealing with without advising 
me, this is the long and short of it. Summers ' business relations 
wholly with Moscow Soviet. He unknown national leaders. 
Unable secure correct copy treaty until furnished by me, now 
seeking map which I will have to get for him. Business rela- 
tions not usually strengthened through policy kicking people 
in the face. Constant desire and expectation overthrow Soviet 
power poor foundation business co-operation. Unable help Har- 
vester people. I saw Lenin and help secured. German foreign 
office to Soviet government : * ' Information from authentic 
sources that German and Austrian voluntary fugitives menacing 
Moscow, intending capture Swedish, Danish general consulates, 
same way have captured war prisoner camps, forced prisoners 
enlist Red Guards. Civil and military authorities Moscow show 
utter helplessness, even favor these activities. German govern- 
ment expects Russian government immediate energetic steps, and 
insists first disbanding all war prisoner committees voluntary 
fugitives under direction Austrian Ebenholtz; second, demands 
arresting members above committees." Study language this 
official communication, suggests origin war prisoner scare stories. 
Boohing allies Russia, special sport German secret service. 
Period playing second trailing rumor mongers about over. 
When German direct action commercial organization begins, our 
opportunity gone. What your wish regarding my longer stay 
Moscow ? 

Please answer. Nothing further. 



150 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

70. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 18, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis y Rohins at wire: 

Conference Finnish revolutionary leaders. They promise keep 
fighting, while retreat southeast, holding permanent strip eastern 
Finland. Want Arne Orjalsalo, orator, writer, and wife Helen, 
go America agitate among Finns anti-German pro-war help 
Finland. Orjalsalo speaks English, able speaker, inspired patriot, 
hates Germany, believe desirable admit him America, Finnish 
passports. Will you inquire? Please send cipher following: 
''Davison, AmRedCross, Washington. 10095. Moscow, April 
eighteenth. For Thompson: Cabled you direct March twenty- 
second : * After departure Creel 's agent, all financial resources for 
special work from funds under his control stopped. Now using 
your personal funds, work continues same character, should not 
be charged your personal account.' Again cabled you direct April 
fourth: 'Unless US will create commission with power for eco- 
nomic co-operation, supporting constructive program, all useful 
work finished May first. Nothing short Japanese invasion can 
change resentment against Germany's robbers raid and shameful 
peace forced upon Russia bayonets point. Soviet government 
eager satisfy America good faith, secure economic organization 
through American supervising skill, but when every evil rumor 
skillful German propaganda becomes foundation for distrust, 
co-operation impossible. Is not five months control all effective 
internal force, that has survived armed conflict Don, Ukraine, 
Siberia, that has signed shameful peace, abandoned capital, and 
still maintains undisputed control internal power, sufficient evi- 
dence foundation in Russian life and will of Soviet govern- 
ment ? ' Robins. ' ' 

From Webster, Hicks direct wire Omsk : * ' Leaving eighteenth 
for Moscow. Investigations Krasnoyarsk, Omsk give entirely 
satisfactory results confirming impressions communicated pre- 
vious telegrams. No armed prisoners Krasnoyarsk, discipline 
strict. Omsk chief center arming prisoners, total number, in- 
cluding those sent against Semenoff, eleven hundred. Omsk pro- 
vincial Soviet and general staff directly controlling arming 
prisoners, confirmed guarantees obtained All-Siberian Soviet. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 151 

All armed prisoners violently socialistic, present conditions 
without menace except against Central Empires or Japanese 
invasion. '^ Nothing further. 



71. PROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 19, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Following submitted council Finnish leaders, requesting you 
give copy each allied embassy Vologda and cable same America : 
* ' On behalf Republican Socialist Government Finland, Kulleroo 
and Tokoi, both former speakers Finnish diet, formally protest 
against German Imperial Government. First, leaders anti- 
revolutionary White Guard publicly admitted themselves unable 
crush workers government unaided German imperialism which 
secured by selling Finland to Germany. Second, German mili- 
tary occupation Finland begun. German militarism, proved 
enemy popular government and international labor movement, 
unites with White Guard for destruction Finnish labor. Third, 
German occupation specially demonstrated Tammerfors, results 
systematic murder defenseless prisoners, wounded leaders in hos- 
pitals and non-combatant laborers. Fourth, revealing before 
whole world these crimes against civilization in name Finnish 
workers and their government, we solemnly protest and de- 
nounce German imperialism as common enemy freedom and 
humanity everywhere, and declare Finnish workers prepared 
continue defend with their blood freedom already won, and 
further proclaim hatred and contempt for German imperialism 
as arch enemy of democracy and labor in all lands.'* The 
quality this manifesto seemed justify sending you. Hope you 
will get large publicity Finnish communities America, Canada. 
What your wish re food supplies from AmRedCross stores 
Petrograd? No reply received April thirteenth inquiry. Re 
White Guard and other German inspired advances into agreed 
Russian territory, three formal protests made Soviet government. 
Germany responded after third, saying other two not received, 
that advances forced by bandit bands retreating into Russia. 
Promised trespass cease, when order restored. Nothing further. 



152 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

72. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 19, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire, instructed by the Ambassador. 
For Colonel Robins: 

Forwarded request for permit for Oratos, also cable for 
Thompson. Cable just received states Senator Stone died Sun- 
day. Stevens still in Petrograd, but apparently received no 
reply from government concerning platinum. Department not 
replied to inquiry concerning reception of commercial commis- 
sion, nor have I received more from you since you wired to do 
nothing with two technical men here, as appeared be confusion. 
Am endeavoring foster commercial relations between Russians 
and Americans through Archangel and Vladivostok. Did Lock- 
hart make reply to London concerning conditions to be observed 
before two shiploads provisions could land Archangel — under- 
stand ships now at Murmansk awaiting advices? Am awaiting 
return Serbian minister from Petrograd before again considering 
relief for refugees including children. Nothing further. 

73. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 20, 1918.) 

Ambassador Francis, Vologda: ^ 

Your direct wire message yesterday first word received from 
you since sixteenth. Question message seventeenth ''What your 
wish my longer stay Moscow?'' Unanswered. Please answer. 
Death Korniloff verified, this final blow organized internal force 
against Soviet government. Your coming Moscow would greatly 
advantage American interests Russian economic development. 
Allies remaining Vologda, while Central Powers open embassies 
Moscow, places former great disadvantage. Unless organized 
opposition planned, organized co-operation only alternative intel- 
ligent action. Micawber policy becoming daily more impossible. 
Government asks daily regarding railroad men, army instructors, 
economic commission, agricultural machinery, other technical 
experts and manufactures. Russian economic conditions force 
general reorganization internal economy under either German 
or American supervision and support. Largest economic and 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 153 

cultural enterprise remaining world. Your position, influence 
most powerful factor final consequence. Replying your question 
yesterday Lockhart answers, * ' I am carrying on negotiations here 
with Central authorities to reach agreement on lines laid down by 
HMG.^ Favorable progress here, and British consul Archangel 
wires local committee now taking up favorable attitude regarding 
this question/' 

Robins. 

74. from ambassador francis 

(Received April 20, 1918.) 

Colonel RohinSy Johnston on the wire, from the Ambassador: 

Cabling Finnish protest. Have received through Washington 
following statement from American Legation, Copenhagen: 
''Learned from reliable source that commission of 115 members 
will soon arrive Petrograd from Germany for exchange prisoners, 
and such commission will not negotiate, but will deliver following 
ultimatum to Soviet government. Able-bodied prisoners of war 
in Russia to be sent home immediately, but invalids retained 
under neutral physician ; only invalid Russian prisoners in Ger- 
man camps will be permitted to return to Russia, able-bodied 
men being retained in Germany.*' Statement further says, if 
demand not immediately complied with, Germany will take 
Petrograd and some other city as hostages. Italian ambassador 
received the same from Italian Legation, Copenhagen. Please 
inquire discreetly and advise. 

Department says Stevens requesting permission to send home 
hundred railroad men, as can't use them west of Manchuria 
station until order restored, which he thinks unlikely. 



75. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 20, 1918.) 

Urgent 

Ambassador Francis, American Embassy, Vologda: 

Careful conference with Chicherin regarding war prisoner 
treaty provisions discovers no idea German ultimatum upon 

iHis Majesty's Government. 



154 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

point covered your telegram to-day. Treaty terms clear. Parity 
treatment specified. Probably another fantastic rumor. Nothing 
in any message from me suggesting that government had taken 
any of our provisions. Soviet government has taken nothing 
claimed by American Red Cross Mission in Russia, but has 
granted many valuable favors. Cannot give items supplies 
now held Petrograd, but you should send courier or arrange for 
one to bring such supplies remaining Petrograd you desire 
Vologda. Wire direct Wardwell, who instructed reserve distri- 
bution further until word from you, giving your desires prefer- 
ence. Matter of payment arranged suit you afterward. Special 
decree reserving direct wires government service only ; notice will 
reach you day or so, until which daily communication as before. 

Robins. 

76. prom colonel robins 

(Sent April 21, 1918.) 

Ambassador Francis y Vologda: 

Regarding shipments from Vladivostok Chicherin gives defi- 
nite assurance destination supplies safely east possible Grerman 
advance. Material used for defense Russian republic ready 
arrange payment raw materials. Robert Minor radical American 
journalist here, represents Philadelphia Public Ledger, states 
great desire American business interests commercial co-operation 
Russia. Left America March ninth. Came via Stockholm 
Murmansk. John Reed Christiania, refused passport America. 

ROBXNS. 

77. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 22, 1918.) 

For Ambassador Francis, Robins at wire: 

Unsealed envelope addressed me, containing sixteen sheets 
typewritten copies telegrams to and from embassy Vologda, 
found under my room door Elite Hotel this morning. Nothing 
indicating by whom or why sent. Careless saying least. Mirbach 
expected Wednesday with full staff. Last word received from 
you direct wire message Saturday. Sent you direct wire also 
paid message Saturday. Also direct wire yesterday. Nothing 
further. 

To-day concludes direct wire communications. Part our tele- 
grams, part other communications to embassy. Telegrams Elite 
Hotel delivered promptly. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 155 

78. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

Moscow, 22nd April, 1918. 
Dear Governor: 

I am taking advantage of the opportunity through Mr. 
Bailey's going to Vologda to send you this letter by him. 

My direct wire message to you of the 14th April contained 
the following regarding the Red Cross supplies at Petrograd. 
** Talked with Wardwell over telephone yesterday regarding 
food supplies for Embassy found nearly all our supplies already 
distributed. Ordered him to hold all possible until your wishes 
were known." Immediately upon the receipt of your telegram 
for Webster, which was then too late for transmission to him 
before his leaving Siberia, I sought to hold what food you might 
desire at Petrograd. Wardwell has been under instructions to 
meet your desires as far as possible upon receipt of your list 
from that date. I hope this matter is now arranged so that 
you get some needed supplies. 

Mr. Lockhart has cabled regarding the landing of the Dora 's 
cargo at Archangel. Thank you for the information. 

I regard this hotel as quite safe for messages sent to me by 
wire. There has been no question regarding delivery since the 
first days. 

It is possible that I shall leave in a few days for Petrograd 
and shortly thereafter be in Vologda. It will be a great pleasure 
to see you and give you at first hand the last impressions of the 
general situation from this outlook. 

Wardwell reports all well at Petrograd and that our Red 
Cross work will be finished by the first of May in that city. 
This is as I wish it to be. We have already evacuated all our 
medical supplies and they are being distributed here and in 
cities further east for hospitals and general public relief. 

I have not heard from Webster since I last wired you his 
message from Omsk. I suppose ere this he has arrived at 
Vologda and you have been enabled to get the last word on the 
Siberian situation from his standpoint. 

With appreciation and kindest regards, 

Faithfully yours, 

(signed) Raymond Robins. 

Hon. David R. Francis, 
American Ambassador to Russia, 
Vologda. 



156 EUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

79. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 22, 1918.) 

Johnston on the wire to Colonel Bohins from the Ambassador: 
Do not feel I should be justified in asking you to remain 
longer in Moscow to neglect of the prosecution of your Red 
Cross work, but this does not imply any want of appreciation of 
the service you have rendered me in keeping me advised concern- 
ing matters important for me to know, and giving suggestions 
and advice, as well as being a channel of unoiBcial communica- 
tion with the Soviet government. When will Webster and 
Hicks return? Will they stop at Vologda or go direct Moscow 
from Omsk? Following message received from Thompson, 
American consul Omsk, yesterday : * * Please inform Webster and 
Hicks on their arrival that Turen's figures exceed theirs eight 
times. Tell Webster copy telegram not found at Jordans. 
Will mail staffs letter Monday Moscow?" Also following from 
Halsey, Murmansk: ''Forward to Robins and Wardwell latest 
indications that Dora's Red Cross cargo coming here early May. 
Advise you urge London to send it directly to Archangel, as it 
must eventually go there. Murman railway now suffering from 
first washout of season." 

Have not forwarded Wardwell. Re food supplies, yours 
fourteenth says ''Talked with Wardwell over telephone yester- 
day regarding food supplies for embassy, found nearly all our 
supplies already government." 

MacClelland, embassy clerk, is in Petrograd and I have wired 
him to see Wardwell. Were telegrams our direct wire conversa- 
tions? If not what was subject matter or to whom addressed 
in Moscow ? Do you receive promptly messages sent Elite Hotel ? 
Reported suspicious characters hotel and I have hesitated send- 
ing you messages lest same be intercepted in hotel. Nothing 
further. Good-bye. 

80. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 23, 1918, 8 P.M.) 

Colonel Rohins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Twenty-third. Please inform Chicherin his telegram my 
first knowledge that China prohibited any exportations to 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 157 

Russia, and have instituted inquiries to ascertain facts. Why 
does he think such is result of allied agreement, and, if so, why 
does he think same based on misunderstanding? 

Francis. 

81. from colonel robins 

(Sent April 24, 1918.) 

Ambassador Francis , American embassy y Vologda : 

Your telegram twenty-third received. Soviet government 
claims papers found search Koloboff lodgings April twenty-first, 
Vladivostok, disclose allied negotiations supporting conspiracy 
against Siberian Soviet government; these named Admiral 
Knight and American consul Vladivostok. Further claimed 
Chinese embargo furtherance such conspiracy. Soviet govern- 
ment believes allied support these plans secured through mis- 
understanding actual situation. Chicherin promises further 
information to-morrow.^ 

RoBEsrs. 

82. FROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 26, 1918.) 

Robins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Twenty-sixth. What disposition if any have you made of 
Chicherin communication of this date other than transmitting 
to me? Is he endeavoring to transmit to our government other 
than through myself? What reply if any have you made 
Chicherin ? 

Francis. 

83. from colonel robins 

(Sent April 26, 1918.) 

American Ambassador Francis, Vologda: 

Moscow press this morning carries several stupid stories, evi- 
dently prepared produce dissension, suspicion among American 
representatives Russia. Confidently expect your understanding 
give untroubled mastery situation. Your proved strength suf- 
ficient guarantee against absurd stories both Washington, Russia. 

Robins. 
1 See Document 85. 



158 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

84. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

Moscow, 26th April, 1918. 
Dear Governor: 

Yesterday I sent you by wire a communication received from 
the Foreign Office that seemed of sufficient importance to justify 
telegraphing its contents. 

To-day I have another communication that I am sending you 
by Courier. 

This morning I wired you as follows: ** Moscow press this 
morning carries several stupid stories evidently prepared pro- 
duce dissension and suspicion among American representatives 
in Russia. Confidently expect your understanding to give you 
untroubled mastery of the situation. Your proved strength suf- 
ficient guarantee against absurd stories both Washington and 
Russia. '' 

This wire was occasioned by several stories in unofficial 
papers to the effect that you had resigned or been recalled and 
that I was to be appointed in your stead upon some new prin- 
ciple of economic diplomacy. Evidently your management of 
the situation troubles our enemies and they would have you out 
of the way or get me out of the way or both if possible. 

I have given no interviews and of course will not give any. 
I have seen no Russian newspaper men and will not see any. 

These small matters I would not bring up at so critical a time 
were it not for the fact that they are sought to be used to 
confuse a delicate situation. 

The papers here received by the foreign office seem to justify 
complaint against the Vladivostok Consul as being at least 
indiscreet. Investigation will discover the truth of the matter. 
The foreign office asked me to-day if I had an answer upon 
yesterday's communication. I said no and asked for time as 
you would need to consider the entire matter with due care. 

Please let me have some word at your earliest convenience 
upon yesterday's and to-day's communications. 

With regards to all. 

Faithfully yours, 

(signed) Raymond Robins. 

Hon. David R. Francis, 
American Ambassador Russia. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 159 

85. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent April 26, 1918.) 

American Ambassador Francis, Vologda: 

Moscow, twenty-sixth April. Webster with interpreter 
Stephen arrives Vologda Sunday next with report; conference 
with you. Please arrange lodgings for both. 

Robins. 
s6. from colonel robins 

(Sent April 27, 1918.) 

American Ambassador Francis, Vologda: 

Moscow, April twenty-seventh. Answering your twenty- 
sixth: First question, answer none. Second question, answer 
not to my knowledge. Third question, answer none whatever. 
• Robins. 

87. from colonel robins 

Moscow, 27th April, 1918. 
Dear Governor: 

Yesterday I sent you by Mr. Shiller of the International 
Harvester Corporation a second communication received from 
the Foreign Office here relative to the Vladivostok — Autonomous 
Siberian Government affair. 

Late last evening I received the note enclosed with this letter 
answering more fully your telegram of the twenty-third. It 
was sent from the Foreign Office here. 

Your telegram of the twenty-sixth received this morning. I 
replied to by telegraph as follows "First question answer none. 
Second question answer not to my knowledge. Third question 
answer none whatever. ' ' 

Captain Webster plans to leave for Vologda to-night and I 
shall send this letter with him. 

My present plans contemplate my leaving Moscow about 
May 3rd for Vologda en route America. I shall wire you twenty- 
four hours before leaving and at the time of leaving if possible. 
With appreciation and kindest regards. 

Faithfully yours, 

(signed) Raymond Robins. 

Hon. David R. Francis, 

American Ambassador, Russia, 
Vologda. 



160 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

88. PROM AMBASSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received April 29, 1918.) 

Colonel EohinSy Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Twenty-ninth. Note from Chicherin in Russian enclosed in 
your letter April twenty-seventh by Webster, concerning the 
Chinese embargo, about which I received urgent telegram in Rus- 
sian April twenty-second from Chicherin, addressed American 
Ambassador Vologda. Immeditely cabled Department, also 
Peking and Harbin, mainly for information. Received prompt 
reply from Moser, Harbin expressing regret, could not request 
annullment of prohibition, to which I as promptly replied had 
made no such request, but only inquiry as to facts which again 
demanded reply concerning, and added that if should decide to 
request annullment, would do so through legation Peking. Noth- 
ing further from Harbin and nothing from Peking. Just re- 
ceived however cable from Department giving detailed history 
of embargo, which clearly shows government never consented 
thereto ; quite contrary, stated specifically to China thought such 
prohibition inadvisable. February nineteenth American lega- 
tion Peking advised Department that foodstuffs permitted to go 
to Irkutsk and points east under consular control — latter to pre- 
vent such shipments reaching enemy, war prisoners at that time 
not being factor in situation. This agreement influenced by my 
conferring with Chinese minister Petrograd and latter ^s co- 
operation. Obtaining this information within seven days is 
quick work and demonstrates disposition of Department and 
embassy toward embargo on, foodstuffs to relieve distress. Can- 
not account for renewed operation of embargo, but expecting 
further information as Department cable says repeated to Ameri- 
can Legation Peking my cable on subject and its reply thereto. 
Might discreetly inform Chicherin of facts above mentioned, but 
take care that no friction produced between China and America 
or Japan and America. If you fear imparting such information 
likely result in further complication, better withhold for present 
and only state I am energetically investigating embargo. 

Francis. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 161 

89. FROM AMBxVSSADOR FRANCIS 

(Received May 3, 1918.) 

Colonel Rohms, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Third. Don't understand your message thorouglily. What 
kind co-operation? Embassy's enciphered messages refused at 
office last night on government order prohibiting reception and 
transmission of enciphered messages from any source other than 
government. French cables also refused. Advised Department 
by enclaire message of this highhanded, unprecedented action, 
which am unable to account for if true. Does prohibition include 
German, Austrian, Turkish representatives? 

Francis. 

90. from colonel robins 

(Sent May 2, 1918.) 

American Ambassador Francis, Vologda: 

Moscow, May second. Your twenty-ninth and May first re- 
ceived. Chicherin carefully advised following your instruc- 
tions. British co-operation stronger daily. They now hold first 
place with Soviet government. Demonstration yesterday great 
success. Complete order without single casualty. Center all 
publicity labor discipline. Telegrams Paris, Washington require 
my remaining here some days longer. Please tell Webster return 
Moscow earliest convenience. 

Robins. 

91. from ambassador FRANCIS 

The Embassy of the United States of America. 

Vologda, May 3, 1918. 

Colonel Rajnnond Robins, Commanding 
American Red Cross Mission to Russia, 
Moscow, Russia. 

My dear Colonel: 

Your telegram of May second received this morning but it 
says nothing about the unprecedented order of the Soviet Gov- 
ernment prohibiting the reception and transmission of cipher 



162 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

telegrams from any source other than the Government. I 
thought until the receipt of your telegram that you were en route 
to Vologda; suppose you have learned of this order to-day — did 
you know of it before it was issued? In my judgment this 
means the withdrawal of privileges heretofore enjoyed by all 
diplomatic representatives and it may possibly be the beginning 
of the withdrawal of all diplomatic immunities; in that event 
all Embassies and Legations will be subject to indignities and 
pilfering and regardless of personal comfort or safety of their 
members, would through consideration of the dignity of the Gov- 
ernments they represent be compelled to withdraw from Russia. 

Do you think the Soviet Government would oppose Allied 
intervention if they knew it was inevitable? I can understand 
the difficulty of the position of Lenin and Trotsky and their col- 
leagues and know that they are compelled to profess when 
organizing an army or preparing any kind of resistance, that 
such is for the promotion of a world-wide social revolution; at 
the same time you I know have always felt that it was necessary 
to encourage such professions in order to organize any resistance 
whatever to the Central Empires and were confident that such 
an organization would never be used against existing govern- 
ments including our own but it is difficult to induce our gov- 
ernment to accept that view. You are acquainted with my 
efforts to bring railroad men to the assistance of the Soviet 
Government and you are also aware of my action in bringing 
about the aid of the military missions toward organizing an 
army and you are likewise familiar with the result of such efforts. 

But Webster has just come in to tell me good-bye and I have 
not the time to write at greater length. 

If this prohibition of cipher telegrams is applicable to neu- 
trals as well as Allies, I shall as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps 
recommend that united protest be made and it will doubtless 
be made through the Consuls of all the Missions that have Con- 
suls in Moscow or in Petrograd. My opinion is that the Soviet 
Government has made a great mistake in issuing this decree or 
order. 

There are many things which I would like to talk to you 
about and cannot write even if I had the time. You are correct 
in thinking that I was not at all disturbed by the newspaper 
surmise that I was to be succeeded by yourself, not that I think 
such suggestion absurd but I did not for a moment feel that 
you were a party to any such move. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 163 

It is possible I may write you again to-morrow after learning 
more about this prohibition of cipher telegrams. 

The food has arrived from Petrograd but has not yet been 
unloaded I am told. 

Must close now in haste, 

Yours sincerely, 

David R. Francis, 
By direction, 
(signed) E. W. Johnston, 

Secretary. 

92. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent May 4, 1918.) 
Americcm Ambassador Francis, Vologda: 

May fourth. Answering your May third. Prohibition your 
cipher rights result misunderstanding order prohibiting cipher 
rights Siberian consuls. Orders issued restoring cipher rights 
allied embassies. Robins. 

93. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent May 5, 1918.) 

America/n Ambassador Francis, Vologda: 

Your letter received. Leaving for Vologda to-night. Please 
secure lodgings for self and interpreter. Wardwell leaves 
Petrograd for Vologda Tuesday. Robins. 

94. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent May 13, 1918.) 

American Ambassador Francis, Vologda: 

May thirteenth. Leaving to-morrow Siberian express. 
Please send cipher following ''10097. Moscow, May fourteenth. 
Leaving to-day for America with Hardy and Andrews. Ward- 
well, Webster, Magnuson remaining here. Wardwell commands 
mission Russia. More men unnecessary now. Wardwell fully 
informed, admirably fitted command situation. All well." 

Robins. 
Moscow, Monday, May 13, 1918. 



164 EUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

95. FROM COLONEL ROBINS 

(Sent May 14, 1918.) 

Americcm Ambassador Francis y Vologda: 

May fourteenth. Leaving to-night Siberian express, due 
Vologda about ten to-morrow morning. Hope to see you. 

Robins. 
Moscow, Tuesday, May 14, 1918. 



[73.] 

Paraphrase of Cipher Message received from Mr. MacGowan 
at Irkutsk by Ambassador Francis, March 15, 19 18. 

7. Fourteenth. Special train Bailey, Japanese, Chinese — 
arrived thirteenth, proceeded ostensibly Amuralsk (?) Dr. 
Huntington, his assistant Edward Thomas, with me by direction 
Ambassador and their presence is appreciated highly as work 
was crushing. Have wired Pekin for the Secretary of State 
substance of following, also duplicated to Vologda. Siberian 
Bolshe\aks are outspoken in opposition to ratification peace and 
their local organ tentatively suggests immediate declaration 
independence and conclusion commercial treaties with America, 
Japan, and China. Careful preparations making to check ex- 
pected advance allied forces east Baikal, concentrating Verkhne- 
Udinsk and Sretensk. Trainload prisoners passed eastward 
twelfth with dozen machine guns, is stated, and two thousand 
stopped here. There is concurrent testimony that 3 and 6-inch 
guns are arriving, two of latter already commanding railway 
bridge and station. Is daily machine gun practice cadet school. 
Informant hitherto reliable states German major generals, even 
other officers (omission?) over thirty pioneers arrived, and gen- 
eral staff expected from Petrograd to direct destruction bridges, 
tunnels, and execute plan defense. German, Turkish, and Aus- 
trian officers at times throng station and streets with insignia 
of rank visible beneath Russian military overcoat. Every pris- 
oner whether at large or in camp has rifle. American Consul 
Irkutsk sufficient address. 

MacGowan. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 165 

[74.] 

1. 

Armed War Prisoner Investigation Siberia: Record of Cap- 
tain Webster's ^ and Captain Hicks' - Special Mission. 

(Telegrams and direct wire communications.) 

Robins, American Red Cross, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Number one, March twenty-one. We were at Vologda only 
forty minutes. Unable find Ambassador or Armour at Embassy 
or station but saw^ Johnston and Ruggles. Taylor last night just 
from Petrograd gave me certain information which Embassy 
will transmit to you. I will determine truth same in Irkutsk 
and will inform you immediately. Express thirteen hours late 
here Viatka. We have special car number fifty-seven which we 
will retain. We have each paper signed by Muraloff, Chief 
Moscow military district, stating we go to Siberia on behalf Rus- 
sian Federated Republic and asking officials give us aid. It 
would seem desirable that Trotsky send telegram to Irkutsk offi- 
cials informing them concerning us. 

2. 

Robins, American Red Cross, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Number 2, March 22. All is well. Everything is quiet along 
the way. Express will arrive Perm late twenty hours. 

Webster. 

3. 

Colonel Robins, American Red Cross, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Number three. March twenty-four. Express about forty 
hours late at Omsk. Line taken up with a few troop trains 
moving east and many goods trains moving west destined for 
Moscow and Petrograd. At Perm large bridge well guarded and 
here exists a soldiers' committee which is disarming all soldiers 
from the front and demanding that all food trains move west 
without delay. Railway officials state this is having very good 
effect upon movement of congested freight. Military prisoners 

1 Captain William B. Webster, Attache American Red Cross Mission in 
Russia. 

2 Captain W. L. Hicks of the British Mission in Moscow. 



166 EUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

in no way active in Perm or Ekaterinburg districts. A few pris- 
oners have joined the Red Army these two places but well 
guarded and in no way control its operations. Exact figures 
not now obtainable. Life along line very normal and excep- 
tionally quiet from a political standpoint. Telegrams we are 
sending seem not to be going due to carelessness our commissar 
who is not an exceptional man. Due Irkutsk now about 
Wednesday. 

Webster, 
5348. 

4. 

Number four, following for Colonel RoMns, Moscow: 

Webster and Hicks speaking — arrived this morning sixty hours 
late — ^troop trains delayed us. Found Major Walter Drysdale, 
American Military attache Peking, had been here for three days 
alone, having made trip over Amur line stopping at all camps 
— and making full investigation. He returns Peking to-night 
after full conference with us. Semenoff trouble in Manchuria 
but Amur line still working. No prisoners in district from 
Vladivostok to Chita are armed and all well guarded. In 
Irkutsk district some Hungarian prisoners who are social- 
revolutionists are being enlisted in Red Army to fight against 
Semenoff. Exact figures later but number not large at present. 
There preceded us by one day from Omsk train load five hun- 
dred Hungarian military prisoners armed with machine guns 
and rifles going for above object. These men according to good 
authority are from those who deserted at the beginning of the 
war into Russian lines and are thoroughly instilled with Bol- 
shevik ideas. They would not dare to return Hungary under 
any conditions and have cast in their lot with Russian revolu- 
tionists. They seized Swedish Red Cross office at Omsk includ- 
ing funds and supplies and have sent ultimatum to Austro- 
Hungarian government that nnless they are given permission to 
carry on socialistic propaganda and full amnesty they will pre- 
vent all Austrian prisoners from returning. With this object 
— failing reply from their government — they are intercepting 
all trains at Omsk. Relations between these prisoners and their 
officers are very bad of which more later. The arming of these 
men might possibly be considered a danger to the allies and this 
is the attitude which will be pressed by Major Drysdale on his 
return. Exception might also be taken to the freedom of move- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 167 

ment maintained by these prisoners. We think this suggestion 
would be supported by Drysdale who would also like to see an 
American advisory commission working on the Siberian railway. 
We think that American soldiers acting in this capacity would 
be well received and might furnish best solution of problem. 
This rather than full allied intervention would no doubt be 
much less opposed by all parties. If allies should find further 
guarantee of prisoners' behavior necessary could not arrange- 
ment be come at for certain small number American soldiers to 
be attached to the guard of each camp to see the conditions? 
Full discussion promised with Soviet officials to-morrow. There 
is no immediate danger of armed prisoners seizing Siberian 
railway. 

Webster-Hicks. 

5. 

Desp. March 30, 1918. 

Reed. March 30. 
Number five. 
Lockhart, British Mission, Moscow, from Hicks and Webster: 

Your telegram of to-day received. In our telegram of last 
night we stated facts as we had found them, feeling sure that 
the authorities here would have no objection to our doing so. 
In actual fact we have been given every facility. Although we 
have not many additional facts we think we can help to interpret 
motives and indicate possible course of events. We are more 
than ever convinced that the Soviet here does not mean to extend 
the practice of arming war-prisoners as it is not part of their 
program and indeed tliere is a distinct tendency to commence 
to withdraw arms in the near future for the reasons: first, that 
they are not considered reliable, and, second, that the party of 
500 which passed through Irkutsk recently caused trouble. As 
had a long conversation to-day with Yanson, President of the 
Irkutsk Soviet, who appreciated our point that the Allies could 
not help feeling uneasy on account of possible action to their 
detriment of armed prisoners at a later date. We asked whether 
the complete disarmament of all prisoners and their immediate 
internment would not be the best way to allay Allies* apprehen- 
sions. This question will again be raised at our conference 
to-morrow with Yanson and Yakovleff, President of All-Siberian 
Soviet, and Strenberg, Military Commander of Irkutsk District. 
Will you telegraph at five o'clock to-morrow, Sunday, afternoon 



168 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

by Petrograd time. Fight between White Guard and Bolsheviks 
three weeks ago at Blagovieshchensk resulted in complete victory 
for the latter, who numbered about four thousand. No use 
was made of the three thousand prisoners in that district, who 
remained in strict internment. Some Japanese subjects who 
sided with the White Guard were killed. Order now completely 
restored. As regards Semenoff affair, his force after hasty 
retreat from Chita during which he lost two hundred men, is 
now in Manchuria. He has about nine hundred officers as well 
as hired Hunhuzas, and his forces appear to be increasing some- 
what. Opposing him are about four thousand Red Guards, who 
drove him over frontier but have hesitated to follow him into 
foreign territory. It is generally stated here that Allies have 
(recognized Semenoff faction as a real political factor and are 
supporting it. We denied this. End of message of Hicks and 
Webster. 



6. 

Following Colonel Rohins, Moscow, Webster and Eicks speaking : 

Telegram number six. March 31st. 

Had a long interview Irkutsk Soviet to-day including 
Yanson and Yakovleff, Strenberg, and others, all of whom were 
very friendly. They gave us full facts which confirmed our 
Information and which we believe to be true. There are in 
all Siberia not over twelve hundred armed prisoners, most 
of whom are from Omsk. These men were selected with great 
care as being social-revolutionaries and internationalists who 
have given up their old allegiance and have become citizens 
of the Russian Republic and not intending to return home. 
They are being used for guarding other prisoners and especially 
German officers in whom Soviet places no confidence. It is not 
intended to use them in the future for any military operations. 
The Soviet states that they would not think of placing arms at 
the disposal of prisoners who would take up cause against them 
when their cause is so categorically opposite to their own. The 
Soviet further gave us their official guarantee to be communi- 
cated to our Governments through this channel that no more 
than a maximum of fifteen hundred prisoners will be armed in 
the whole of Siberia, and that these would always be kept under 
strict control and surveillance of Bolshevik officers and will 
never be allowed to act as an independent force. They also 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 169 

stated that they would have no objections to the senior consuls 
of the Allies in Siberia having the right of free investigation 
and at all times to check the maintenance and integrity of the 
limitations. We stated that the Allies were very anxious to 
help Russia and asked how this could be done best. They replied, 
-first, by supplying manufactured materials from America and 
England through Vladivostok and Archangel. They were espe- 
cially anxious about agricultural machinery. In exchange would 
be given any products of Siberia. We asked them to draw up 
a list of such products available. Second, in order to facilitate 
the rapid transport of supplies from East would the Allies open 
up the line of the Chinese Eastern Railway from Harbin to 
Manchuria Station which is at present partially broken with the 
approval seemingly of Allied Consulates at Harbin. Third, we 
were informed that if the Allies were sincere in their desire 
to help they might prevent China from giving protection to 
Semenoff's forces. The latter 's tactics appear to consist in the 
assembling of men and supplies on Chinese territory, followed 
by raids into Siberia. The Soviet claims that its troops would 
follow and annihilate force if they cared to invade Chinese terri- 
tory. That they do not wish to do. We asked how the Siberian 
Soviet would look upon Allied intervention in case Germany ad- 
vanced through Russia. They replied that the Soviet is convinced 
of its power to meet such an advance successfully with its own 
troops, now that the people are enthusiastically against Germany. 
We might say that we were very favorably impressed with the 
sincerity and energy of the officials whom we met to-day, who were 
so fully alive to the danger of the broadcast arming of indis- 
criminately selected prisoners that they readily gave us their 
guarantees noted above. We feel it may be necessary to proceed 
eastward as far Dairien near Manchuria Station. Major Drys- 
dale did not visit this center of the Semenoff trouble and site of 
large prisoners* camp. The Soviet encourage us to investigate 
this matter which is of extraordinary importance, and it is the 
only case in which armed prisoners are active. This will not 
greatly delay our return. End of message. 

7. 

For LockJiart, British Mission, Moscow: 

Number seven. April first. We have just visited the large 
war prisoners' camp outside Irkutsk where we were given every 



170 KUSSIAN- AMERICAN RELATIONS 

facility to see everything and talk with the prisoners. The 
officer prisoners are Austrians only, while the soldiers consist 
of Austrians, Magyars, Slovaks, etc., and a few dozen Germans. 
Although there are over eleven thousand prisoners on the books, 
the greater portion are employed in work in the town and dis- 
trict and only two thousand remain in confinement. We saw 
the senior officer prisoner and several leading soldiers with all 
of whom we had long conversations. We in all cases asked the 
following questions: first. Is there any pressure put on you to 
join the Red Guard or the Socialists. Answer, None at all. 
Second, How do you regard any of your comrades who express 
Bolshevik sympathies? Answer, With very strong disapproval. 
Third, Have you any committees in the camp consisting of pris- 
oners and dealing with questions of control and discipline? 
Answer, None — the only committees are for amusements, etc. 
Fourth, Are any of your fellow prisoners armed? Answer, 
About a score who help to guard the prison supply depot. They 
stated that a small explosive depot was in the same block and 
therefore being partially guarded by the prisoners. We arc 
taking up this point with the Soviet. A sergeant stated that 
some of the Hungarians were anxious to return to spread so- 
cialistic ideas in their country and these men were, he knew, 
convinced Bolsheviks. The prison commandant said that of- 
ficers only could leave camp after obtaining a permit from his 
office, but that the men could dispense with the permit pro- 
vided they were in camp by seven o'clock. These statements 
were confirmed by the prisoners and the leading soldier prisoner 
added that men were encouraged to stay in camp because of 
danger in town. Yesterday an officer was killed in the town 
and the case is under investigation. We found the camp dis- 
cipline to be excellent and Russian sentries on duty. The latest 
information about Semenoff is that he is on the point of making 
another raid into Siberia, after having gathered his supplies and 
forces on Chinese territory. He has considerable sums of money 
with which he pays his hired soldiers and he has collected four- 
teen pieces of artillery. The source of both money and guns 
is as yet unkno^vn. The All-Siberian Soviet states that if the 
Allies wish disorder in Siberia to cease they have only to with- 
draw all protection to ventures such as Semenoff 's and prevent 
him from using Allied territory for his preparations, then order 
will be established with promptitude. It is said that China is 
anxious about the collection of Russian troops in that area in- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 171 

eluding the armed Hungarian Russians mentioned in our tele- 
gram number four on her frontier. The Soviet wishes to point 
out if China will outlaw Semenoff, there will be no further need 
of Russian troops in that area and they will be withdrawn. We 
have gone into this question at length because we feel it to be 
most urgent and it will be difficult to convince Siberia of our 
sincerity if we cannot procure for her a cessation of this unfair 
protection of those who are attempting to invade her territory 
and overthrow her government. We start for Moscow to-morrow 
night, provided that the river is passable as the ice is moving and 
there is no bridge. End of message. Webster and Hicks 
speaking. 

a 

Moscow, April 2, 1918. 

By direct wire. 

Webster and Hicks speaking: — ^Number eight. April 2nd. 
Colonel Bohins frotn Webster and Hicks: 

Yakovleff, President of the All-Siberian Soviet and Yanson, 
President of the Irkutsk Soviet, visited us to-day in order to 
make us a very urgent request, namely, that we should proceed 
to-morrow to Chita or Dauria. The facts are as follows: Some 
twenty days ago the Chinese and Russian Governments came to 
an agreement that Semenoff should not be allowed to leave 
Chinese territory for a certain period. This period expires on 
April 5th, and another conference is to be held on April 4th 
before the expiration of the treaty. Chinese delegates will be 
at Chita or Dauria on that day and Yakovleff and Yanson and 
others are leaving Irkutsk on a special train to-morrow morning 
to meet and confer with them. The above-mentioned treaty had 
the following among other terms: first, that none of Semenoff 's 
troops should enter Russian territory during the period agreed 
upon. This term was broken by Semenoff 's scouts being con- 
tinually working over the frontier. Second, that trains should 
be allowed to pass in both directions. This has been broken, 
as no trains have arrived from the East. The Soviet permitted 
some trains to go East at the beginning, but as none were re- 
turned, they were obliged to discontinue their dispatch. At this 
conference the Soviet has hopes of coming to some agreement 
which will end the fighting and enable the Soviet to withdraw 
their troops. It is evident that the Chinese are very uncertain 
as to what their action should be. They seem not altogether 



172 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

unsympathetic with the Russian point of view, but are influenced 
by strong and perhaps ill-advised pressure from the East. This 
is clear from a telegram just received by the Soviet from its 
Commissar, its representative in the Trans-Baikal district. A 
full translation of the telegram will be sent to you a little later 
to-day. The Soviet urgently requested us to accompany them, 
knowing that as Allied representatives who fully appreciate the 
Russian situation, our help would be invaluable in explaining 
the Russian point of view to the Allied delegates from the East, 
and proving to them that it is to the benefit of Russia and the 
Allies that this guerilla fighting should cease. The Soviet were 
dismayed to learn that we had received instructions to return 
to Moscow at once, and implored us to forward their request 
which they are supporting by a direct wire to Trotsky. Unless 
you have extremely urgent reasons for our immediate return, 
we think you will be well advised to sanction this expedition, 
because although we do not think that our influence is so im- 
portant, yet on the spot where the situation seems to be hanging 
in the balance between war and peace, we may be just those 
factors which will bring about a satisfactory settlement. In our 
opinion it would be ill-advised to refuse the request of the All- 
Siberian Soviet, who stated that they were anxious that a report 
of the whole affair should be presented to the Allies through 
unbiassed channels. Also they seem anxious to have moral sup- 
port from the Allies in their very difficult situation. If you 
miss the opportunity of hearing the facts first-hand, the Soviet 
can always report in case of dispute that they gave you all 
facilities and that you refused to take them. Especially will 
this be unfortunate if the fighting continues and the Allied cause 
suffers thereby. End of message. 

9. 

Number nine. From Webster and Hicks. 
To Mr. Lockhart, British Mission, Moscow: 

Translation of telegram from Commissar Yako (Yazo?) to 
Soviet. 

**0n the 31st March at 16 o'clock there arrived at Dauria 
Chinese delegates consisting of an interpreter and Colonel Pal 
Jiju in command. The reason for the delegation's arrival was 
the approaching termination of the period during which 
Semenoff was not to be allowed to leave Chinese territory, namely, 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 173 

April 5th. It has been arranged that the Chinese delegation 
will arrive on the morning of the fifth of April at Dauria and 
negotiations will be opened at Dauria or possibly at Chita in 
order to suit the convenience of the Russian delegates. The 
Chinese will inform us on April 3rd which place has been de- 
cided on, and I request that plenipotentiaries from the Siberian 
republican Soviet should be sent. The Chinese themselves re- 
quest this and it is evident that they will be represented by a 
large delegation. We gathered the following information in 
private conversation. Chinese explained the breaking of some 
of the terms of the March 18th conference at Matzievskaya as 
follows: When the treaty was made no one except the Chinese 
were in Manchuria, but immediately after the ratification Eng- 
lish, French, and Japanese representatives from Pekin arrived 
and the Chinese Central ( ?) could not keep his promises in face 
of their influence. The Chinese say that Semenoff is in such a 
mood that they cannot answer for our safety as far as Junc- 
tion 86, and in private asked me not to go so far as Semenofi: 
gave an order that I was to be killed wherever found, even on 
neutral territory.'' 

10. 

From Irkutsk. 
Colonel Bobins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Number twelve. April eighth. The following is the report 
of the conference at Matzievskaya on April sixth as given by the 
Soviet : * * Chinese delegates General Huan Luan Ling and Colonel 
Pae Jeju. (?) Soviet delegates Yanson, Siberian Commissar for 
Foreign Affairs and Commissar Lazo, (?) commander Soviet 
forces on Manchurian front. Soviet delegates arrived at Mat- 
zievskaya ten o'clock in morning on special train from Dauria 
under guard. Chinese delegates arrived eleven-thirty on special 
train from Manchuria station. Soviet set forth two propositions 
to Chinese — ^first, will Chinese government either surrender up 
Semenoff or deny him sanctuary within their territory? Sec- 
ond, or will they take active measures with Chinese troops 
against Semenoff 's forces? Chinese answered China could com- 
ply with neither, that China intended to remain neutral in this 
affair and that they would act toward Semenoff the same as 
they would toward the Soviet. The Soviet asked how can China 
allow armed men of another nation in her territory? Chinese 
answered China has always permitted Russian armed forces in 



174 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

their territory to guard Chinese Eastern Railway. Soviet stated 
these were always sent there under the direction and control of 
the Russian Government, but Semenoff was not, and he was 
really stopping traffic on the railway and was the enemy of the 
present government in Russia. Chinese answered Semenoff came 
first and now they cannot permit any other Russian troops 
in China. If the Soviet forces had come first they would not 
have let Semenoff in. Soviet asked if China is really neutral 
and still allows Semenoff 's forces upon their territory, they must 
then permit the Soviets forces to also go onto Chinese territory. 
Chinese answered if the Soviet forces came there would be a 
fight and this the Chinese would not like. They stated however 
if the Soviet Government had been officially recognized by the 
Allies as the true Russian government, then China could act with 
the Soviet to prevent such trouble as this. Soviet replied 
Semenoff affair purely local, and it was to the mutual benefit 
of China and Russia to open up the railway, and this could only 
be done by liquidation of Semenoff affair. Soviet further stated 
that the Chinese were very unneutral in allowing Semenoff 's 
forces to remain in China and make raids into Russia, especially 
when the Soviet had stated that they would never break interna- 
tional law by sending forces after him. Chinese delegates ex- 
plained that in regard to this question they had no power to 
answer, but would have to confer with their government on the 
point. Chinese delegates then admitted that they could not 
possibly act against Semenoff without consent of the Allies. 
Soviet advised them that this was a matter for China to act 
independent of their Allies as only their territory was involved. 
As to their future action the Chinese would give no promise and 
could not guarantee that Semenoff would longer be held in 
Chinese territory and admitted that Semenoff had practically 
taken over the railway and was handling it for his purposes, 
although China was supposed to be guarding the railway 
in the territory of Manchuria. The Chinese delegates then de- 
parted. As soon as their train was out of sight Semenoff 's 
scouts were seen to be coming toward Matzievskaya in the dis- 
tance, indicating his immediate advance into Russia. Soviets 
conclusion was that Chinese were allowing Semenoff to act freely 
but not allowing Soviet to do so. Felt that Chinese delegates 
were subject to an undue pressure and that they could not have 
come to any other decision — in fact had been instructed to act 
as they had and were powerless to have reached any other con- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 175 

elusion. A train of Red Guards was immediately sent from 
Matzievskaya to meet the advancing Semenoif forces/' 

11. 

Colonel Robins, Hotel Elite, Moscow: 

Number thirteen. April eighth. Just reached Irkutsk and 
hope to continue journey to-morrow evening after final confer- 
ence with All-Siberian Soviet. Manchurian conference very un- 
satisfactjory, hazy, and indefinite and no conclusion was arrived 
at. We think Soviet's official account as given in our telegram 
number twelve correct but for obvious reasons we do not care 
to comment on it. This expedition has only confirmed our views 
on this question as expressed in our previous telegrams. The 
railway will remain closed, which is very regrettable, and the 
necessity of keeping armed forces on the IManchurian frontier 
but lessens Russia's chances of opposing Germany on the west. 
You will notice that China makes a point that the Soviet Gov- 
ernment is not recognized by the Allies, which puts Russia at 
serious disadvantage in such negotiations. In regard to the 
five hundred armed Hungarian prisoners mentioned as being on 
that frontier in previous telegrams we are more than ever con- 
vinced of the entire lack of danger from this source. We had 
conversation with several of the Hungarian leaders who appeared 
well behaved and well disciplined. They were without doubt 
Socialists and looked upon Russia as their future home. We 
are sure that anyone after talking with and seeing these men 
would get the impression that it was absurd to think that they 
would act against Russia. End of message. 

Webster and Hicks. 

12. 

(Direct wire communication from Irkutsk to Moscow.) 

For Robins and Lockliart, Moscow, Webster and Hicks speaking: 
Number fourteen. April ninth. We have called you to the 
apparatus in order to insure secrecy. Just had final meeting 
with Soviet who reaffirmed their resolve to keep the terms of 
their letter re. limitation of armed prisoners. They made the 
reservation however that in case of uninvited intervention on 
part of Japan they would feel themselves at liberty to arm any 
resources they might think fit. With regard to the Manchurian 
front we feel obliged to state without in any way taking sides 



176 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

in this affair that the Soviet has behaved in a very moderate 
and reasonable way. We cannot possibly know what is happen- 
ing on the other side but it is clear that the Chinese are so con- 
strained as to be unable to settle the question in the way decided 
upon at the first conference. The Chinese further stated that 
they could not negotiate with a Russian government which was 
not recognized by the Allies and that for all they knew Semenoff 
might be regarded as the official Russian government and the one 
favored by the Allies, while the Soviet were nothing more than 
revolutionaries without standing. The chief aim of negotiations 
with the Chinese from the Soviet point of view is to open up the 
railway for transport, and if ( ? ) they are to be handicapped in 
this entirely praiseworthy object by lack of recognition. The 
Soviet stated that they strongly desired Allied recognition for 
several reasons — first, it would strengthen their position as the 
central government of Russia, which would also be to the interest 
of the Allies. Second, it would tend to make foreign intervention 
unnecessary. Third, should it appear from Germany's activities 
that foreign help was necessary, they would then be in a position 
to invite the Allies to help them. Fourth, it would make it pos- 
sible to co-operate with the Allies, both in facilitating requests 
for definite supplies from our side and arranging for exchange 
of materials from theirs. We agree most heartily with these 

statements and implore you to do your utmost to 

without delay as we are more than ever convinced that it would 

be to our mutual after having had personal along 

the lines we are impressed with the sincerity, strength, and sta- 
bility of the authorities. The All-Siberian Soviet looks upon the 
peace agreement in the way which you are already familiar in 
Moscow. The Soviet fears that the finding of two Japanese 
subjects dead in Vladivostok may prejudice the Allies against 
them to the extent of preventing recognition, notwithstanding 
the fact that Soviet deeply deplores such incidents which appear 
to them as highly mysterious. It is doing its utmost to investi- 
gate the case and is taking every step to protect the safety of 
foreign subjects. We assured them that in our opinion this inci- 
dent coupled with the landing of Japanese marines need not be 
interpreted in this way. Within the last two days about three 
hundred Red Guards passed through Irkutsk on the way to the 
Manchurian front. The majority of these were Lettish subjects 
returned from France and England during the Kerensky regime 
but among them were about fifty Hungarian prisoners. We 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 177 

inform you of this as exaggerated rumors are sure to arise. Up 
to the present no decisive action on the Manehurian front. We 
shall examine conditions at Krasnoyarsk and Omsk on our return 
journey. Did you get our telegrams number twelve and thirteen 
sent last night? End of message. 

13. 

For Robins and Lockhart, Moscow, Hotel Elite: 

Number fifteen. April seventeenth. Leaving Omsk early 
to-morrow for Moscow without further delay. Our investiga- 
tions at Krasnoyarsk and Omsk have given entirely satisfactory 
results and confirmed the impressions communicated to you in 
previous telegrams. In Krasnoyarsk there are no armed pris- 
oners and the discipline is strict. Omsk has always been as you 
know the chief center of this arming but the total numbers of 
prisoners armed here including those sent against Semenoff do 
not exceed a thousand. The Omsk provincial Soviet and also 
the general staff which directly controls the arming of prisoners 
confirmed the guarantees obtained from the All-Siberian Soviet 
as to limitation of numbers and agree to the other clauses. All 
armed prisoners are violently Socialistic and as things are at 
present there is not the least cause of anxiety. For Robins from 
Webster : * ' Harold Alpin and Wilfred Humphries of the YMC A 
arrived Omsk this morning with two special trains of nine hun- 
dred Serbian refugees from Samara. They are looking for place 
in this district to house these people. As all dwellings here are 
overflowing I sent them to the staff to secure the use of army 
barracks in some food center this district. This they will 
attempt to do and report their results direct to you from time 
to time." End of message. 

Webster and Hicks. 



[75.] 

Report of English and American Officers in regard to arming' 
of Prisoners of War in Siberia, April 26, 19 18. 

Moscow, April 26 (13), 1918. 
On the 19th of March last, the undersigned officers left 
Moscow for the purpose of investigating the conditions in 
Siberia relative to the many rumors concerning the extensive 



178 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

arming of German and Austrian prisoners of war, and the 
danger of their seizing the Trans-Siberian Railway in the inter- 
ests of the German cause. The journey to Irkutsk was unevent- 
ful, and the railway seemed to be running smoothly and without 
special dilBficulty in all its branches. Many transports of pris- 
oners were seen, but they were men being transferred from one 
locality to another either on account of food conditions or change 
of work. They all appeared very meek and subdued, and were 
far from threatening. 

Upon our arrival in Siberia we used every means possible 
in making investigations. We consulted with the various Allied 
consuls, with the Swedish and Danish Red Cross representatives, 
with the Russian Secret Service, with the Y.M.C.A. men working 
the prison camps, with the Soviets in charge of prisoners, and 
finally, with prisoners of war, both civil and military, many of 
whom were personally known to Captain Webster in his work 
as American Embassy Delegate in Central Siberia during 
1916-17. 

Our investigations carried us to Irkutsk, Chita, Dauria, 
Krasnoyarsk, and Omsk where we also visited the prison camps 
or the Red Guard training barracks when we found such to be 
necessary. 

We did not deem it necessary to go further east than Chita 
on the Amur line, inasmuch as Major Walter Drysdale, the 
American Military Attache in Peking, whom we met in Irkutsk, 
had just made this trip, stopping at all places where prisoners 
of war were interned, and reported that none of them had been 
armed and that they were all well guarded. 

It became apparent from the first that the only place where 
prisoners of war were armed to any significant extent was at 
Omsk. At Irkutsk not more than a dependable score were given 
arms for the purpose of protecting their own warehouses against 
thieves. In Chita, Dauria, and Krasnoyarsk no prisoners have 
been given arms nor is it the intention of the Soviets, as stated 
to us, to arm men in those places. At Novo-Nikolaevsk and 
Tomsk, the Soviet authorities at Omsk and Krasnoyarsk informed 
us, about 100 Hungarian Internationalists were being used to 
restore order in the prison camps and to help guard the German 
and Austrian ofiicers to prevent any possible use being made of 
them by Cadets ^ and counter-revolutionists to overthrow the 

1 The Party of Constitutional Democrats, commonly called " Cadets " 
from its initials. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 179 

Bolshevik rule. At Tomsk the Hungarians raided the German 
Officers' camp and seized two machine guns supposedly given 
them by the White Guard. 

We found at Omsk that three sets of prisoners consisting of 
Hungarians, Czechs, and Slavs had been incorporated into the 
Revolutionary Red Army and were being used in conjunction 
with the latter to fight the enemies of Russia. The first party, 
consisting of 434 men, was sent to the Manchurian Front and 
here we were able to see and talk with them. A second unit, 
consisting of about 300 men, was later sent to this same front, 
and while we were in Omsk we interviewed the third set, con- 
sisting of 197 men. This made a total of 931 prisoners who have 
been officially armed for military purposes. In no other place 
in Siberia was this being done so far as we were able to deter- 
mine, and if there is an arming of prisoners of war on a large 
scale it is a mystery where the arming is taking place and 
where the prisoners are being kept. 

The Soviets stated that before any prisoners could join the 
Revolutionary Red Guard they must be Socialists of standing, 
vouched for personally by three responsible Russians, and after 
a period of six months, having renounced their old allegiance, 
become citizens of the Federated Russian Republic. The Cen- 
tral All-Siberian Soviet, at Irkutsk, stated that naturally such 
a number was limited and that they would guarantee that not 
more than fifteen hundred prisoners of war would be armed in 
all Siberia; also that they would never be allowed to act as an 
independent military command, would always be under the con- 
trol and command of Russian Socialists, and that to satisfy any 
feeling of security which the Allies might deem necessary they 
would be glad to permit any American and English Mission to 
make investigations to see that such guarantee was fulfilled, or 
in their absence to permit the American and English Consuls 
in Siberia to do the work. They submitted this guarantee to 
writing and a translation thereof is enclosed herewith for ref- 
erence (April 2, 1918, No. 253, Irkutsk). The Omsk Soviet 
affirmed this guarantee and stated that they did not intend to 
arm more than one thousand men from their district, including 
those already armed, which affirmation they also submitted to 
writing. 

At Omsk the Hungarian Red Guards sent an ultimatum to 
their former country demanding that they be given full amnesty 
and be permitted to return or they would arrest all prisoners 



180 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

of war at Omsk, forbidding them to continue their journey home- 
ward. The reply of the German and Austrian Governments to 
this ultimatum came through the Swedish Red Cross, in which 
it was stated that all such Internationalists would be hung. 
The prisoner-soldiers with whom we talked stated that they felt 
this to be too true, and that it was not their intention to return 
to Germany or Austria until at least there had been a Social 
Revolution in those countries. Many stated that they intended 
to remain permanently in Siberia. They said that they had cast 
their lot with the Russian Revolutionists, would fight with them 
against all enemies of Socialism and felt that they were far 
better off, both financially and socially, by taking such action. 
The sincerity and devotion of these men to their chosen cause 
is not to be doubted, and when asked whether it was not possible 
for friends of Germany and enemies of Socialism to join their 
ranks they were quite scornful, and stated that although they 
considered such impossible, still if any of their colleagues were 
found to be unfaithful, **they would surely meet with sudden 
death.'' 

There are various reasons why our report concerning the arm- 
ing of prisoners of war in Siberia has differed materially from 
those set forth by Allied consular reports and other sources of 
information in Siberia. We found, first, that the Allied consuls 
in Irkutsk were unanimously anti-Bolshevik in sympathy, had 
had nothing to do with the Soviet authorities personally, and 
had not even met Mr. Yakovleff, the President of the All-Siberian 
Soviet, a very intelligent and sincere man who could have given 
them a satisfactory explanation to many doubtful questions. 

Second, their sources of information were, in all cases, pre- 
revolutionary — as coming from property-holders, officers, Cadets, 
"White Guards, etc., who were strong enemies of the present 
regime and were naturally desirous of strengthening their own 
position and damning those now in power; while 

Third, the Consuls seemed to have no time to make proper 
investigation on account of their staffs being so small that, as 
one consul said to us, he was so busy coding the information 
he received that he did not have time to confirm it. If they 
heard a story concerning great intrigues or secret movements of 
unseen German activities, especially in regard to armed pris- 
oners, they did not get to the bottom of the particular rumor 
but reported the statements as they had received them. Even 
those things which were at hand and which could have been 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 181 

checked easily by proper care on their part did not receive the 
attention necessary to draw out the real truth. For instance, 
when the first party of 434 armed prisoners passed through 
Irkutsk going from Omsk to the Manchurian front the report 
sent to Paris was that the number of such prisoners was one 
thousand. While we were in the American Consulate talking 
with Major Drysdale at Irkutsk, one of his interpreters brought 
in the information that ten armed prisoners and three Russians 
seized the Government telegraph office every night, driving out 
the regular operators, and after placing sound-proof hoods 
upon the machines, would operate them for two hours and then 
retire. However, we found this rumor to be false, as we were 
in the telegraph office every night for nearly a week, sometimes 
until three in the morning, upon our own business, and no 
official there with whom we talked knew anything about such 
seizure and all regarded the idea as **mad." 

We can well say that we found all the Soviet authorities with 
whom we came in contact as sincere and bright men, good 
leaders, thorough partisans of their party, and seeming in all 
cases to well represent the cause for which the Soviet Govern- 
ment stands. We feel, therefore, that their assurances to us con- 
cerning the limitation in regard to the arming of prisoners is 
a statement upon which faith and confidence can be based. The 
Soviets have both the power and the inclination to carry out 
this guarantee. 

The Soviet power is growing stronger instead of weaker in 
Siberia, and the activities of the White Guards and counter- 
revolutionaries at Vladivostok, Blagovieshchensk, Chita, Tomsk, 
and Irkutsk met with overwhelming defeat. In the case of 
Irkutsk considerable blood was shed and considerable property 
destroyed as there were three cadet schools at this place and 
they were able to offer a formidable resistance for ten days, 
after which they completely capitulated. The Soviet leaders 
are mild-mannered and vengeance for past wrongs does not 
seem to be part of their programs. 

We can but add after seeing the armed prisoners and the 
type of men which they are, that we feel there is no danger 
to the Allied cause through them. On the contrary, we feel 
that there would seem to be a large social danger to the cause 
of the Central Empires, as the Socialist activity among the pris- 
oners of war is very far reaching. For instance, at Krasnoyarsk 
1,500 prisoners of war have subscribed their names to the so- 



182 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

cialistic principles, while 5,000 have done so at Omsk. The 
German officers as a whole, and the Austrian officers, with the 
exception of the Slavs, are very bitter against this response on 
the part of the men and are making lists of those whom they 
deem dangerous to be given to their governments at the first 
opportunity. Much friction between the prisoner officers and 
men has arisen on this account and all officers with w^hom we 
talked were not only angry concerning the matter but consider- 
ably worried as to the outcome. They stated that the large 
number of men were not only becoming demoralized from dis- 
ciplinary standpoints, but were being made dangerous subjects 
to their Fatherlands. Of course, they regarded those who had 
taken up arms on behalf of Russia as nothing short of traitlors. 

The Central All-Siberian Soviet was naturally interested in 
the question of intervention in Siberia either by Japan or the 
Allies. They stated in their final interview with us on April 9th 
that they were only too glad to reassure us on the question of 
the limitation regarding the arming of prisoner Socialists, but 
that in the case of uninvited intervention they would feel free 
to arm such resources as they saw fit to defend their territory. 
They intimated that they intended to oppose to the best of their 
ability the march of uninvited foreign armies into Siberia even 
though such resistance amounted merely to destroying bridges 
and tunnels. They stated that the Japanese peace terms, as 
printed in the Siberian papers, although probably not official, 
were undoubtedly officially inspired; and that they reflected 
what Japan would desire in Siberia were she able to demand it. 
They stated that Russia had been in severe competition with 
Japan ever since the ascendency of that Empire and that the 
Soviet could not but feel the safety of its power or the integrity 
of their country would be jeopardized in case Japanese troops 
were spread over it. However, the Soviet did state that in case 
the Allies recognized the Soviet Government as the Central 
Government of Russia, then in case of renewed military activi- 
ties between Germany and Russia and the military help of the 
Allies seemed both practical and necessary, they thought that 
it might be arranged to have Allied troops brought in to assist 
the Russian soldiers in repelling the Germans. 

At Krasnoyarsk, where 3,600 prisoner-officers are interned 
(3,000 Austrian and about 600 German), we secured confidential 
information from Germans personally known to Captain 
Webster that these officers were being counted upon to be used 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 183 

to command a nucleus consisting of German, Austrian, and 
Russian troops to oppose Japanese intervention. It was stated 
that without doubt the South end of Lake Baikal would be 
used as the point of defense. 

At the request of the All-Siberian Soviet we attended the 
conference on April 6th at Matzievskaya between the Soviet 
representatives and the Chinese delegates to take up the matter 
of the Semenoff trouble. It appeared very quickly here that 
the Chinese delegates had no power or discretion in the matter 
except to break off all negotiations with the Soviet and to state 
that they could no longer be responsible for Semenoff 's activi- 
ties. The matter in so far as the Soviet is concerned was of no 
great significance to them as a counter-revolutionary movement ; 
but the closing of the Manchurian Railway between Chita and 
Harbin was of the utmost importance. The Chinese stated that 
they would not permit the Soviet forces to pursue Semenoff 
into Chinese territory. The Soviet stated that they did not wish 
to invade foreign soil which might be deemed an act of war 
upon China. They did desire, however, that sanctuary be re- 
fused Semenoff in as much as he was blocking the railway and 
making raids from his place of security into Russian territory. 
As the Chinese delegates retired without making satisfactory 
replies, they asked us to take up with our respective governments 
the question of having pressure brought upon China to refuse 
to longer give sanctuary to these robber bands, and, second, to 
bring all pressure to bear to have the Chinese Eastern Railway 
again open to traffic. 

The All-Siberian Soviet and the Provincial Soviets at 
Krasnoyarsk, Chita, and Omsk asked us to take up with our 
governments three economic points of interest to Siberia: First, 
they desired to have sent as soon as possible manufactured arti- 
cles of all kinds, especially agricultural machinery. The demand 
for repair parts and binder twine was especially critical. It was 
stated at Omsk by the International Harvester Company repre- 
sentatives that unless these things were forthcoming very soon 
there would be a tremendous loss in the usual high yield of 
wheat in the monster plain 1,500 versts long and 1,000 versts 
wide, comprising that district. Second, the Soviets would be glad 
to arrange in exchange for these things, such raw products as 
Siberia was able to furnish, including wool, hemp, hides, furs, 
flax, lumber, sunflower seed oil, minerals, etc. Third, it was 
stated by the All-Siberian Soviet especially, that Siberia was 



184 



KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



in need of expert aid of all kinds, not only for her railways but 
for every branch of industry, — if possible to the extent of 10,000 
men. 

We feel that co-operation on a commercial basis would not 
only tend to prevent Germany securing the Siberian raw 
products but would be the best point of contact we could secure, 
and the best influence we could use from a political standpoint. 

(signed) W. L. Hicks, 

Captain of the British Mission 
in Moscow, 
(signed) William B. Webster, 

Captain and Attache, Ameri- 
can Red Cross Mission in Russia. 



(Enclosure.) 

memorandum given by the central executive committee of 
soviets in siberia to captain webster and captain hicks, 

APRIL 2, 1918. 

April 2, 1918, No. 253, 
Irkutsk. 

Russian Federated Republic of Soviets. 



Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', 
Peasants' and Cossacks' Deputies of Siberia. 



Memorandum 

To the interrogations of Captain Hicks, a member of the 
British Mission in Moscow, and Captain William Webster of the 
American Red Cross Mission in Russia, who arrived in Siberia 
for the special purpose of investigating the rumors which have 
appeared in the foreign press regarding mass arming of German 
war prisoners in Siberia, the Presidium of the Central Executive 
Committee of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', Peasants', and Cos- 
sacks' Deputies of Siberia, in conference assembled replies: 

I. Arming of war prisoners in Eastern Siberia is not prac- 
ticed; in Western Siberia there are being armed exclusively 
Socialists, Internationalists, enemies of Imperialism. The arm- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 185 

ing started during the beginning of the German invasion of 
Russia after the Russian Republic refused to sign the annexa- 
tionist peace, with the purpose of sending the companies that 
were formed to the German front. The cessation of hostilities 
with Germany which exists at present, prompted the use of these 
strong Socialist companies for the defense of the Workers' Re- 
public against the attempts of the counter-revolutionaries within 
the country. One of these companies consists of five hundred 
Hungarian Socialists, who, because they were accepted citizens 
of the Russian Soviet Republic, were sent under the command 
of a Russian officer for action against armed robber bands of 
Esaul Semenoff, who is hiding on Chinese territory, in case 
he should again attack the Baikal district. The majority of the 
armed Socialists who were former war prisoners are of Hun- 
garian nationality or belong to the Slavonic nationalities of 
Austria-Hungary. The relations between them and the former 
officers are extremely acute. At the present time there are armed 
in the whole of Siberia a little over one thousand former war 
prisoners, and this number will not be increased to more than 
fifteen hundred men, because the number of absolutely reliable 
party Socialists, who are ready to come out openly in the defense 
of labor revolution against the Imperialism of any country, is 
naturally limited. 

II. As commanders of companies formed from former war 
prisoners Russian Socialists are appointed; these companies 
never act as an independent force, and are subject to absolute 
orders of the general command of the Workers' and Peasants' 
Red Army. 

III. The Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Siberia 
willingly expresses its readiness to always give the representa- 
tives of the British and American Missions, and upon their de- 
parture to British and American Consuls, all information that 
interests them relating to the above-mentioned facts concerning 
war prisoners. 

IV. The Central Executive Committee in repudiation of the 
stupid rumors about mass arming of war prisoners in Siberia 
informs the honorable representatives of the American and Eng- 
lish Missions that long before these rumors appeared, in consid- 
eration of the food problem, a plan was on foot to evacuate the 
war prisoners from districts and provinces which lie east of 
Irkutsk to the western and central Siberian provinces, where 
the food supply is secure. At the present time the War Com- 



186 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

missariat of Siberia is engaged in preparatory work for carrying 
out of this plan. 

(signed) Chairman Central Executive Committee 

of Soviets of Siberia, 

N. Yakovlefp, 
Commissary of Foreign Affairs of Siberia, 

Yanson, 
Acting War Commissary of Siberia, 
(Signature) 
Seal of the Central Siberian 

Committee of Soviets of Workers', 
Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. 



[76.] 

Communication from Tchicherin to Colonel Robins with 
Two Enclosures, March 21, 1918. 

21 March, 1918, Moscow. 

THE people's commissariat OP FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

Dear Colonel Robins: 

I am sending you here both the text of a communication 
given out through the Press Bureau and of a radiogram sent 
out abroad. We shall be very glad if you make of it the use 
you think most proper. 

Yours most faithfully, 

(signed) G. Tchicherin. 

(Enclosure 1.) 

March 21, 1918, Moscow. 

people's commissariat of foreign affairs 

In spite of the repudiation of newspaper rumors about Ger- 
man control, about occupation of Petrograd, etc., lately a new 
rumor was started regarding some kind of a German commission 
headed by Fredericks, which is alleged to exist in Petrograd, to 
control entry and exit to and from the city, and in particular 
is alleged not to issue passes to leave Petrograd to American, 
English, and French subjects.^ 

iSee Document 72: Nos. 11, 15, 16, 20. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 187 

In view of the fact that all these fantastic and provocative 
rumors receive undeserved confidence in certain circles of 
America, England, and France, the People's Commissariat of 
Foreign Affairs once more affirms the absolute falsity and im- 
probability of these rumors. 

(signed) George Tchicherin, 

Acting People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs. 

(Enclosure 2.) 

Radiogram, Moscow, March 21, 1918. 

Lately through unknown sources rumors are being spread 
systematically which say that Germany intends and has the 
right according to the treaty to create controlling commissions 
in various cities of Russia or only in Petrograd. The People's 
Commissariat of Foreign Affairs stated previously that this evi- 
dently provocative rumor which is being spread for the purpose 
of sowing panic is absolutely unfounded on any fact. By the 
treaty it was arranged to create Germano-Russian commissions 
for the regulation of the exchange of war prisoners, the mutual 
compensation of losses, for mutual return of captured ships, for 
reconsideration of treaties, and for the establishment of local 
frontier lines. There is absolutely no hint of the creation of 
any such controlling commissions in the treaty, and the Soviet 
Government would never agree to such an invasion of its internal 
life and independence. 

In spite of the denials of the People's Commissariat of For- 
eign Affairs, such rumors continue to be spread. A rumor is 
going round that in Petrograd there already exists a controlling 
commission under the chairmanship of Baron Fredericks, and it 
is alleged that without permission of this commission it is not 
possible to leave Petrograd. 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs announces 
that this rumor is absolutely fantastic and stupid, and that it 
clearly comes from some sources which are engaged in dark 
purposes. 

(signed) People's Commissarl^t of Foreign Affairs. 



188 BUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



[77-] 

Cable from Colonel Robins to Henry P. Davison, 
March 26, 1918. 

Davison, Care American Embassy, Paris: 

Number extra one. March twenty-sixth, acknoTvledging yours 
March twenty-first via Tokio.^ Following sent you Washington : 
' ' Special five. March twentieth. Soviet government organizing 
army for defense Russian socialist republic. Government asks 
co-operation American Red Cross units for hospital service. 
Have sent Captain Webster Irkutsk for report on war prisoner 
conditions. Milk distribution Petrograd continues satisfactorily. 
Organizing for distribution of medical supplies in warehouse 
here. Co-operation of government continues satisfactory. Hardy, 
Andrews, Magnuson here. All well. Please notify our families. 
Have you any instructions?" American, British, French, and 
Italian military missions co-operating with Soviet government 
here. Riggs wired Ambassador Francis March twenty-first: 
"My strong impression Soviet government making sincere effort 
for serious reconstruction of forces and I cannot too strongly 
recommend that they be encouraged by prompt support." 
Washington seems confused by Siberian army war prisoner scare 
and German control Petrograd and Moscow rumors. Regard all 
this as skilful propaganda to prevent allied co-operation with 
Soviet government. 

Robins. 
Moscow, Tuesday, March 26, 1918. 



[78.] 

Statement given by Soviet Government to Colonel Robins, 
regarding Red Cross Activities in Russia. 

people's commissariat op foreign affairs. 

29 March, 1918, Moscow. 
The work of the American Red Cross of medical-sanitary 
assistance to the civilian population, as well as to the sick and 
wounded soldiers, as well as in the supplying of our medical 

1 Embodied in Document 72, No. 22. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 189 

institutions with necessary medicines, proved to be of great 
value to the Russian medical sanitary institutions. 

Considering that this useful and valuable work of the 
American Red Cross cannot be considered as ended, we call your 
attention. Colonel Robins, to the fact that the further work 
of the American Red Cross, and together with this the further 
stay of the Mission with you at the head of it, in Russia we con- 
sider absolutely essential. 

(signed) Chairman of the Council of People's 
Commissaries, 

V. Ulianov (Lenin.) 
Acting People's Commissary of 
Foreign Affaires, 

George Tchicherin. 

[79-] 

Telegram from Henry P. Davison to Colonel Robins, sent 
through the American Ambassador in Paris, April 4, 1918. 

(Telegram received April 5, 1918.) 

American Consul, Moscow, 
Paris 21844 56 4/4 40. 
TMrd for Robins: 

*'Am thinking of sending you two or three assistants from 
France and would like to know what route you advise them to 
use in going from France to Petrograd. Have left for Rome 
but would like all messages sent to me care American Embassy 
Paris. Davison. ' ' Sharp. 
AprH 5, 1918. 

[80.] 

Telegram from Colonel Robins to Henry P. Davison, 

April 5, 1918. 

Davison, American Embassy, Paris: 

Number extra two. April fifth. Your number three received. 
Murmansk best route for speed, Vladivostok for safety. No need 
now for more Red Cross men here. Unless U.S. supports eco- 
nomic co-operation and constructive program all useful work 
finished May first. If administration Red Cross here unsatis- 
factory kindly recall me. 

Robins. 
Moscow, Friday, 5th April, 1918. 



190 KUSSIAN-AMBRICAN RELATIONS 

[81.] 
Address by President Wilson at Baltimore, April 6, 1918. 

{President Wilson's Foreign Policy. Edited by James Brown Scott, 

p. 374.) 

Fellow-Citizens : 

This is the anniversary of our acceptance of Germany's 
challenge to fight for our right to live and be free, and for the 
sacred rights of freemen everywhere. The nation is awake. 
There is no need to call to it. We know what the war must 
cost, our utmost sacrifice, the lives of our fittest men, and, if 
need be, all that we possess. 

The loan we are met to discuss is one of the least parts of 
what we are called upon to give and to do, though in itself 
imperative. The people of the whole country are alive to the 
necessity of it and are ready to lend to the utmost, even where 
it involves a sharp skimping and daily sacrifice to lend out of 
meager earnings. They will look with reprobation and contempt 
upon those who can and will not, upon those who demand a 
higher rate of interest, upon those who think of it as a mere 
commercial transaction. I have not come, therefore, to urge the 
loan. I have come only to give you, if I can, a more vivid 
conception of what it is for. 

The reasons for this great war, the reason why it had to 
come, the need to fight it through, and the issues that hang 
upon its outcome, are more clearly disclosed now than ever 
before. It is easy to see just what this particular loan means, 
because the cause we are fighting for stands more sharply re- 
vealed than at any previous crisis of the momentous struggle. 
The man who knows least can now see plainly how the cause 
of justice stands, and what the imperishable thing he is asked 
to invest in. Men in America may be more sure than they 
ever were before that the cause is their own, and that, if it 
should be lost, their own great nation's place and mission in the 
world would be lost with it. 

I call you to witness, my fellow-countrymen, that at no 
stage of this terrible business have I judged the purposes of 
Germany intempcrately. I should be ashamed in the presence 
of affairs so grave, so fraught with the destinies of mankind 
throughout all the world, to speak with truculence, to use the 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 191 

weak language of hatred or vindictive purpose. We must judge 
as we would be judged. I have sought to learn the objects 
Germany has in this war from the mouths of her own spokesmen, 
and to deal as frankly with them as I wished them to deal with 
me. I have laid bare our own ideals, our own purposes, with- 
out reserve or doubtful phrase, and have asked them to say as 
plainly what it is that they seek. 

We have ourselves proposed no injustice, no aggression. We 
are ready, whenever the final reckoning is made, to be just to 
the German people, deal fairly with the German power, as with 
all others. There can be no difference between peoples in the 
final judgment, if it is indeed to be a righteous judgment. To 
propose anything but justice, even-handed and dispassionate 
justice, to Germany at any time, whatever the outcome 
of the war, would be to renounce and dishonor our own 
cause, for we ask nothing that we are not willing to 
accord. 

It has been with this thought that I have sought to learn 
from those who spoke for Germany whether it was justice or 
dominion and the execution of their own will upon the other 
nations of the world that the German leaders were seeking. 
They have answered — answered in unmistakable terms. They 
have avowed that it was not justice, but dominion and the 
unhindered execution of their own will. 

The avowal has not come from Germany's statesmen. It has 
come from her military leaders, who are her real rulers. Her 
statesmen have said that they wished peace, and were ready to 
discuss its terms whenever their opponents were willing to sit 
down at the conference table with them. Her present Chancellor 
has said — in indefinite and uncertain terms, indeed, and in 
phrases that often seem to deny their own meaning, but with as 
much plainness as he thought prudent — ^that he believed that 
peace should be based upon the principles which we had declared 
would be our own in the final settlement. 

At Brest-Litovsk her civilian delegates spoke in similar 
terms ; professed their desire to conclude a fair peace and accord 
to the peoples with whose fortunes they were dealing the right 
to choose their own allegiances. But action accompanied and 
followed the profession. Their military masters, the men who 
act for Germany and exhibit her purpose in execution, pro- 
claimed a very different conclusion. We cannot mistake what 
they have done — in Russia, in Finland, in the Ukraine, in 



192 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Rumania. The real test of their justice and fair play has come. 
From this we may judge the rest. 

They are enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph in which no 
brave or gallant nation can long take pride. A great people, 
helpless by their own act, lies for the time at their mercy. Their 
fair professions are forgotten. They nowhere set up justice, but 
everywhere impose their power and exploit everything for their 
own use and aggrandizement, and the peoples of conquered 
provinces are invited to be free under their dominion ! 

Are we not justified in believing that they would do the 
same things at their western front if they were not there face 
to face with armies whom even their countless divisions cannot 
overcome? If, when they have felt their check to be final, they 
should propose favorable and equitable terms with regard to 
Belgium and France and Italy, could they blame us if we con- 
cluded that they did so only to assure themselves of a free hand 
in Russia and the East? 

Their purpose is, undoubtedly, to make all the Slavic peo- 
ples, all the free and ambitious nations of the Baltic Peninsula, 
all the lands that Turkey has dominated and misruled, subject 
to their will and ambition, and build upon that dominion an 
empire of force upon which they fancy that they can then erect 
an empire of gain and commercial supremacy — an empire as 
hostile to the Americas as to the Europe which it will overawe — 
an empire which will ultimately master Persia, India, and the 
peoples of the Far East. 

In such a program our ideals, the ideals of justice and hu- 
manity and liberty, the principle of the free self-determination 
of nations, upon which all the modern world insists, can play 
no part. They are rejected for the ideals of power, for the 
principle that the strong must rule the weak, that trade must 
follow the flag, whether those to whom it is taken welcome it or 
not, that the peoples of the world are to be made subject to the 
patronage and overlordship of those who have the power to 
enforce it. 

That program once carried out, America and all who care 
or dare to stand with her must arm and prepare themselves to 
contest the mastery of the world — a mastery in which the rights 
of common men, the rights of women and of all who are weak, 
must for the time being be trodden underfoot and disregarded 
and the old, age-long struggle for freedom and right begin again 
at its beginning. Everything that America has lived for and 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 193 

loved and grown great to vindicate and bring to a glorious 
realization will have fallen in utter ruin and the gates of mercy 
once more pitilessly shut upon mankind! 

The thing is preposterous and impossible; and yet is not 
that what the whole course and action of the German armies 
have meant wherever they have moved? I do not wish, even 
in this moment of utter disillusionment, to judge harshly or 
unrighteously. I judge only what the German arms have accom- 
plished with unpitying thoroughness throughout every fair 
region they have touched. 

What, then, are we to do? For myself, I am ready, ready 
still, ready even now, to discuss a fair and just and honest peace 
at any time that it is sincerely purposed — a peace in which the 
strong and the weak shall fare alike. But the answer, when I 
proposed such a peace, came from the German commanders in 
Russia, and I cannot mistake the meaning of the answer. 

I accept the challenge. I know that you accept it. All the 
world shall know that you accept it. It shall appear in the 
utter sacrifice and self-forgetfulness with which we shall give 
all that we love and all that we have to redeem the world and 
make it fit for free men like ourselves to live in. This now 
is the meaning of all that we do. Let everything that we say, 
my fellow-countrymen, everything that we henceforth plan and 
accomplish, ring true to this response till the majesty and 
might of our concerted power shall fill the thought and utterly 
defeat the force of those who flout and misprize what we honor 
and hold dear. 

Germany has once more said that force, and force alone, shall 
decide whether justice and peace shall reign in the affairs of 
men, whether right as America conceives it or dominion as she 
conceives it shall determine the destinies of mankind. There is, 
therefore, but one response possible from us : Force, force to the 
utmost, force without stint or limit, the righteous and tri- 
umphant force which shall make right the law of the world and 
cast every selfish dominion down in the dust. 



194 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

[82.] 

Soviet Government Statement regarding the Attack on 
Russia from the East. 

{Izvestia, April 6, 1918.) 

JAPAN BEGINS HER CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE SOVIET REPUBLIC BY 
LANDING TROOPS IN VLADIVOSTOK 

ENGLAND EVIDENTLY FOLLOWS IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF JAPAN 

A statement has been received from Siberia from the Soviet 
authorities in Vladivostok and Irkutsk to the effect that Admiral 
Kato, the commander of the Japanese fleet, has landed troops 
in Vladivostok and issued an appeal to the local population, 
informing them of the fact that Japan takes upon itself the 
preservation of order. As a pretext for the landing, the murder 
of two Japanese by unknown people, which took place in Vladi- 
vostok, is used. 

Regarding this murder, its causes, circumstances, and the 
culprits, the Soviet Government at the present moment has 
no information whatsoever. But it knows, as does the whole 
world, that the Japanese Imperialists for several months were 
preparing a landing in Vladivostok. The official Japanese press 
wrote that Japan was called upon to re-establish order in 
Siberia up to Irkutsk, and even up to the Urals. The Japanese 
authorities were looking for an appropriate pretext for their 
robbers' raid into Russian territory. In the General Staff of 
Tokio monstrous statements were being invented about condi- 
tions in Siberia, about German war prisoners, etc., etc. The 
Japanese Ambassador in Rome stated a few weeks ago that the 
German war prisoners were armed and ready to seize the 
Siberian railroad. This statement has made the round of the 
world's press. The military authorities of the Soviet Republic 
sent a British and an American officer along the Siberian line, 
and gave them a complete opportunity to convince themselves 
of the falsity of the official Japanese statement. With this 
excuse removed, the Japanese Imperialists have to look for other 
excuses. The murder of two Japanese, from this point of view, 
was very opportune. On the 4th of April the murder took place, 
and on the 5th the Japanese Admiral, without awaiting any 
investigation, has accomplished his landing. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 195 

The course of events leaves no doubt whatsoever that all this 
was pre-arranged and that the provocative murder of two Japa- 
nese was a necessary part of this preparation. In this way the 
Imperialistic blow from the East, which has been contemplated 
for a long time, has fallen. The Imperialists of Japan wish to 
strangle the Soviet revolution, wish to cut off Russia from the 
Pacific Ocean, wish to seize the rich territories of Siberia and 
to enslave Siberian workers and peasants. Bourgeois Japan acts 
as the deadly enemy of the Soviet Republic. What is the plan 
of action of the other Governments of the Entente: America, 
England, Prance, and Italy? Up to the present moment their 
policy in regard to the predatory intentions of Japan was evi- 
dently undecided. The American Government, it seems, was 
against the Japanese invasion. But at present the situation can- 
not remain indefinite any longer. England intends to go hand 
in hand with Japan in working Russians ruin. 

This question must be put to the British Government cate- 
gorically. The same question must be put to the diplomatic 
representatives of the United States and the other countries of 
the Entente. The answer given, and even more, the action taken 
by the Allied countries will have inevitably a great influence 
on the future international policy of the Soviet Government. 

While undertaking the proper diplomatic steps, the Soviet 
Government at the same time issues an order to the Soviets in 
Siberia to offer resistance to any forcible invasion of Russian 
territory. 

WORKERS AND PEASANTS! HONEST CITIZENS! 

A new horrible trial is coming from the East. Within the 
country the dark forces are raising their heads. The bourgeoisie 
of Siberia is stretching out its hand to foreign invaders. The 
City Duma of Vladivostok, which consists of Mensheviks and 
Right Social Revolutionists passed a resolution welcoming the 
armed invasion by Japan. In its desire to strangle the Russian 
revolution, to take away from the workers and peasants political 
power, the land, the control of industry — the Russian bourgeoisie 
and its lackeys — Mensheviks and S-R — are acting in concert 
with the Japanese plunderers. Resistance to Japanese invasion 
and merciless struggle with Japan 's agents and assistants within 
the country is a matter of life and death for the Soviet Repub- 
lic, for the laboring masses of all Russia. 
April 5, 1918. 



196 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

[83.] 
Statement by Ambassador Francis, April 16, 1918. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 1, p. 239.) 

The Soviet Government and the Soviet press are giving too 
much importance to the landing of these marines, which has no 
political significance, but merely was a police precaution taken 
by the Japanese Admiral on his own responsibility for the pro- 
tection of Japanese life and property at Vladivostok, and the 
Japanese Admiral, Kato, so informed the American Admiral, 
Knight, and the American Consul, Caldwell, in Vladivostok. My 
impression is that the landing of the British marines was pur- 
suant to the request of the British Consul for the protection of 
the British Consulate and British subjects in Vladivostok, which 
he anticipated would possibly be jeopardized by the unrest which 
might arise from the Japanese landing. 

The American Consul did not ask protection from the 
American cruiser in Vladivostok Harbor, and consequently no 
American marines were landed. This, together with the fact 
that the French Consul at Vladivostok made no request for pro- 
tection from the British, American, or Japanese cruisers in the 
harbor, unquestionably demonstrates that the landing of allied 
troops is not a concerted action between the Allies. 



[84.] 

Cable from Henry P. Davison to Colonel Robins, sent 
through the American Ambassador in Paris. 

(Received April 18, 1918.) 

Consul American, Moscow, Russia: 

Sixteenth. For Robins. **Be assured your services to Red 
Cross of extraordinary value and highly appreciated inside and 
outside Red Cross organization. Distressed you should have mis- 
construed cable regarding assistance. You will be advised by 
cable later relative this point. Assume you will not contemplate 
leaving Russia except for personal safety without advising me 
in plenty of time. Seems to all here that it would be misfortune 
to have Red Cross withdrawn from Russia and certainly as you 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 197 

have made such signal success. Give no further consideration 
question assistant until further advised. Perkins." 

Sharp. 



[8s.] 

Letter from Tchicherin to Colonel Robins with Enclosure, 

April 25, 19 18. 

RUSSIAN FEDERATED SOVIET REPUBLIC 
ACTING people's COMMISSARY OP FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

No. 136, Moscow. 

April 25, 1918. 
Mr. Colonel: 

The People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs is herewith 
enclosing documents regarding the disclosure of a conspiracy 
against the Government of Soviets in Siberia and has the honor 
to ask you to bring to the knowledge of the Government of the 
United States the following:^ 

The documents that have been published establish beyond 
doubt that in this conspiracy were involved the consular repre- 
sentatives of America, Great Britain, and France in Vladivostok, 
and that the diplomatic representatives of the same powers in 
Pekin were in communication with the counter-revolutionary 
organization which calls itself * * The Siberian Government. ' ' ^ 

On the basis of the above stated, the Government of the Rus- 
sian Federated Soviet Republic requests of the Government of 
the United States : 

1. To recall the American consular representative in Vladi- 
vostok as soon as it is possible. 

2. As soon as it is possible to arrange a public investigation 
into the activities of the above mentioned agent as well as into 
the connection of the American Mission in Pekin with the 
counter-revolutionary conspiracy. 

1 Mr. Francis notified the Soviet Government informally that, in his 
opinion, the documents failed to involve the American officials. An of- 
ficial report of the demand for the removal of the American Consul, 
John K. Caldwell, was received by the State Department May 6. On 
May 9, Mr. Lansing instructed Mr. Francis to present informally a denial 
of the charge. 

2 On April 20 the diplomatic representatives of the Allies were for- 
mally notified of the formation of the Government of Autonomous Siberia. 



198 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

3. To define in a definite and straightforward manner the 
attitude of the Government of the United States to the Govern- 
ment of the Russian Federated Soviet Republic and to all 
attempts of the various representatives of America to interfere 
in the internal affairs of Russia. 

Accept, Mr. Colonel, assurances of my sincere respect. 

(signed) George Tchichbrin, 

Acting People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs. 

To Colonel Robins, 

Chief of the American Red Cross Mission in Russia. 

(Enclosure.) 

{Izvestia, April 25, 1918.) 

THE DISCOVERT OP A COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY CONSPIRACY 

IN THE FAR EAST 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs received by 
direct wire the following information : The Commissary of For- 
eign Affairs of Eastern Siberia, Comrade Yanson, transmits from 
Vladivostok that on the 21st of April a search was made in the 
apartment of Citizen M. A. Kolobov by members of the Execu- 
tive Committee. As a result of the search it was disclosed that 
Kolobov is a member of the Government of Autonomous Siberia. 
From the papers we found it is evident that the Siberian Gov- 
ernment is taking steps for the accomplishment of its adventure 
with the aid of the Allies. We present the documents in full. 

FIRST DOCUMENT 

^'The interview with the British Consul must have the effect 
of bringing to his knowledge the real circumstances of the 
intended practical measures, and in particular must cover the 
bringing into Vladivostok of military units and the organization 
of forces in Vladivostok. It is necessary to ask the Consul the 
following questions: 

Can one depend upon the assistance of the military forces 
of the Allies in preventing the Bolshevik forces from entering 
Vladivostok after it is occupied by the forces of the Government 
of Siberia? 

Can one depend upon the assistance of the military forces 
of the Allies in preventing the movement of the forces of the 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 199 

BoLshe\dks on Nikolsk-Ussuriisk from Khabarovsk so that the 
territory within the district east of the railroad line Vladivostok- 
Harbin, and the railroad line itself, shall remain in the hands 
of the Government of Siberia? 

As a preliminary, the Consuls must be informed about the 
state of affairs in the West. 

As information has been received that arms could be obtained 
only through Japan, could not questions to that effect be asked 
of Japan? Would it not be necessary to visit the Japanese 
and French Consuls as well as the others? 

Regarding the interview with Knight, it is necessary to say 
that the interview was preceded by a statement about the 
situation in Western Siberia, as he is interested in our affairs. 
Then it is necessary to point out to him that the uncertainty 
of the situation favors extremely the strengthening of the influ- 
ence of Japan at the expense of the other Allies. The position 
maintained by the representatives of Japan regarding the recog- 
nition of the Siberian Government gives room for a thought that 
Japan holds entirely in her hands the possibility of recognition, 
she makes definite terms of recognition, among which it is neces- 
sary to point out the condition that Vladivostok remain unfor- 
tified. 

Such predominance of Japanese influence worries the Gov- 
ernment of Siberia extremely, as there are public groups who 
are, it seems, ready to use the separate assistance of Japan, 
which she is ready to give. The aim of Japan is to obtain com- 
plete control over certain economic factors, such as for instance 
the fisheries in Kamchatka. The non-recognition of the Siberian 
Government makes this stiniggle for influence in the Far East 
very difficult and compels us to think that the uncertainty of 
the situation in the future will lead to an extremely unfortunate 
increase of the influence of Japan at the expense of all other 
powers. 

Therefore we considered it necessary to bring to the knowl- 
edge of America that further uncertainty in the Far East will 
lead to a concrete victory of Japanese influence and that certain 
circles may go the limit, inclusive of a separate agreement with 
Japan. As to the Government of Siberia, the uncertainty of 
the position may compel it to act prematurely from the point 
of view of work of organization and, by doing so, to risk every- 
thing. We consider that America must define her attitude to the 
Government of Siberia if she is well-disposed to us." 



200 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



SECOND DOCUMENT 

"The practical work of the Siberian Government is charac- 
terized in the correspondence of Ustrugov and Kolobov. In 
view of the complicated international situation and diplomatic 
relations, we formally request in the interest of the cause that all 
actions of international significance should be previously agreed 
upon with us. Discounting all other conversations, I consider 
that until the final construction of the Government, or at least 
until an agreement with the Allied Ministers in Pekin: (1) 
Derber must remain in Harbin, (2) members of the Siberian 
Government who are in Vladivostok must remain quiet, (3) you 
must send an urgent telegram to Vladivostok that neither a 
declaration nor a decree regarding the volunteer army should 
be published. Besides this we find it necessary that until the 
establishment of official representation in Japan the members 
of the Siberian Government who are in Vladivostok should be 
the connecting link through Admiral Knight or the American 
Consul with the embassies of the Allied powers. In case of 
necessity of communications of the Allied powers with the mem- 
bers of the Siberian Government who are at Vladivostok we shall 
telegraph to them in your cipher, addressing the communication 
to the American Consul through the American Ambassador in 
Pekin/' 

THIRD DOCUMENT 

'* Ustrugov and Stal to-day visited the French Minister. Im- 
mediate recognition of the Siberian Government cannot be 
expected. It is his opinion that at this moment the Siberian 
Government must not act, but the military organization must 
act ; in case of the least success of the latter, he cannot imagine 
any other government than the Siberian Government which 
is the real representative of the population. We disagreed 
with this opinion, but believe that a concession to our point of 
view is a personal question for the creators of the Manchurian 
detachments, and therefore we must act very gradually. 

If Horvat agrees with the scheme of the organization or in 
general will co-operate, a point which must be attained, we ask 
Horvat to telegraph to Shanghai through the Consul to Kolchak. 

Inform of Berber's departure." 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 201 



FOURTH DOCUMENT ' 

* * Ustrugov and Stal, in accordance with your telegram of the 
8th of April, had interviews with the American and French 
Ministers. They consider that the publication of the declara- 
tion, and the decree of the volunteer army and the appeal to the 
Allies is premature for it will place them in a difficult situation. 

The reports of the Ambassadors to the Governments are still 
on the way and the most important problems of organization are 
in Harbin. Information of considerable support by various 
groups became known to the Ministers of the Allies in Pekin 
only after you had transmitted them to us, and must be sup- 
plementarily transmitted to the Governments of the Allies. 

We are advised to suggest to the Government, in order to 
avoid an undesirable attitude of the Pekin Ministers and an 
unfavorable reply to you from their Governments, or simply 
leaving your appeal without a reply, to send urgently to the 
Allied Governments a supplementary telegram in which it must 
be pointed out: (1) that there are in Pekin two representatives 
authorized by you to make a more detailed explanation to the 
Ministers of the Allied powers of the program of work of the 
Siberian Government; (2) that in case the Allied Governments 
for the convenience of negotiations will find it advisable that 
your representatives should move to Japan, you request the 
Allied Governments to give corresponding instructions to the 
Ministers in Japan. Besides this, Pichon, after negotiations with 
his minister, finds that if an agreement should finally be reached 
between Horvat and the propertied element, then the Allies 
would no longer apprehend that they might be charged with 
intervening in the internal affairs of Russia by a one-sided sup- 
port of a Government which represents one group to the detrip 
ment of others.'' 

We are transmitting only part of the documents in connection 
with the investigation. Further documents will be telegraphed. 
Vice- Chairman of the Vladivostok Soviet. 

NiKOFOROV.' 



202 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

^ [86.] 

Cable from Colonel Robins to Henry P. Davison^ 

April 25, 1918. 

Davison, American Red Cross, Care American Embassy ^ Paris: 
Extra four. April twenty-fifth. Perkins cable regarding 
assistants last received. Liquidation American Red Cross sup- 
plies relief work Russia practically complete. Recommend re- 
turn all members mission America. Planing departure about 
May fifteenth. All well. Original to Washington. 

Robins. 
Moscow, Thursday, April 25, 1918. 

[87.] 

Cable from Henry P. Davison to Colonel Robins, sent 
through the American Ambassador in Paris. 

(Received April 27, 1918.) 

American Consul General, Moscow: 

7198/-Paris 52334 8 PM 27 TH 16 30 
Twenty -sixth. For Robins: 

^'Your extra three. From your various cables and my con- 
ferences with Thacher believe thoroughly understand situation. 
Obviously can accomplish nothing here relative attitude own 
people. Leaving Paris to-day. Should arrive Washington about 
two weeks where address me. Will upon arrival immediately 
take up with proper persons subject and cable you. Meantime 
hope you will remain unless for personal reasons you deem 
inexpedient. Davison. * ' 

Sharp. 

[88.] 

Letter from R. H. Bruce Lockhart to Colonel Robins, 

May 5, 1918. 

Moscow, 5th May, 1918. 
Dear Colonel: 

I am afraid you will have left for Vologda before I have 
a chance of seeing you. Do let me, in support of my view of 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 203 

things here, put before you the following definite instances in 
which Trotsky has shown his willingness to work with the Allies. 

(1) He has invited Allied officers to co-operate in the re- 
organization of the New Army. 

(2) He invited us to send a commission of British Naval 
officers to save the Black Sea Fleet. 

(3) On every occasion when we have asked him for papers 
and assistance for our naval officers and our evacuation officers 
at Petrograd he has always given us exactly what we wanted. 

(4) He has given every facility so far for Allied Co-opera- 
tion at Murmansk. 

(5) He has agreed to send the Czech Corps to Murmansk 
and Archangel. 

(6) Finally, he has to-day come to a full agreement with us 
regarding the Allied stores at Archangel whereby we shall be 
allowed to retain those stores which we require for ourselves. 

You will agree that this does not look like the action of a 
pro-German agent, and that a policy of Allied intervention, 
with the co-operation and consent of the Bolshevik Government, 
is feasible and possible. 

Yours very sincerely, 
(signed) R. H. Bruce Lockhart. 



[89.] 

Cable from the Secretary of State to Colonel Robins, 

May 9, 1918. 

American Consul General, Moscow: 

128. Ninth. Washington. For Robins, Moscow. Twenty-two. 
Seventh. 15158, 10095. Under all circumstances consider de- 
sirable that you come home for consultation. We are very 
reluctant however to withdraw entire Red Cross commission 
anticipating that there will be many opportunities to help dis- 
tribution food and other Red Cross relief measures next two 
months. Must leave decision in your hands, for you alone can 
judge possibilities of personal welfare members commission, also 
likelihood continuing service, but all here feel that Red Cross 
will find much valuable relief work to do, and hope you before 
leaving will find possible arrange for sufficient personnel to 
remain, and if you desire we will endeavor send other Red Cross 



204 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

representatives to help in maintaining Red Cross efforts, position 
in Russia, founded on fine basis already established. Cable 
promptly care Davison. 

Lansing. 

[90.] 
Cable from Colonel Robins to Henry P. Davison, May 9, 1918. 

Davison, American Bed Cross, Washington: 

May ninth. Your seventh 15158 received. Cables Serbian 
relief and answering Davison's last Paris advices unanswered. 
Leaving about May fifteenth unless otherwise ordered. Details 
final arrangements mission later. 

Robins. 

Plan for Russian-American Commercial Relations, sent by 
Lenin to Colonel Robins, May 14, 19 18. 

chairman op people *S commissaries, MOSCOW, KREMLIN 

14 May, 1918. 
To Colonel Robins. 
Dear Mr. Kohins: 

I enclose the preliminary plan of our economic relations with 
America. This preliminary plan was elaborated in the Council 
of Export Trade in our highest Council of National Economy. 

I hope this preliminary can be useful for you in your 
conversation with the American Foreign Office and American 
Export Specialists. 
With best thanks, 

Yours truly, 

(signed) Lenin. 



RUSSIAN-AMERICAN COMMERCIAL RELATIONS 



1 



I. 

The fourth year of war greatly exhausted the economic 
might of Russia. The productive forces of the country being 

1 This plan was prepared shortly after the conclusion of the Brest- 
Litovsk treaty and under the duress of the conditions imposed on Russia 
by that treaty. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 205 

by necessity directed first of all to military needs were far from 
satisfying the needs of the population. 

It is sufficient to quote the following example: 

The internal production of agricultural machinery in 1915 
was half of the internal production of 1913, in 1916 it was one- 
fifth, and in 1917 it was one-tenth. 

At the same time the importation of tools of production was 
diminished; in 1913 the importation from foreign countries of 
agricultural machinery and implements was equal in value to the 
internal production; in 1914 this importation was reduced to 
one- fourth of that of 1913 ; and in 1916 it was equal to one-fifth. 

Therefore the internal production of agricultural machinery 
and implements in comparison with the figures of 1913 was 2.25 
times less than necessary. The real shortage of agricultural 
supplies was much greater than shown by figures. 

The same thing is evident in the production of coal, pig iron, 
etc., and in all branches of mining and manufacturing. 

We must consider the reason for the decline of the produc- 
tive forces of the country to be not so much the falling off in the 
productivity of labor as the decline of production in foreign 
countries, and consequently the reduction of imports from for- 
eign countries of tools of production. 



n. 

Russians exit from a state of war makes it possible at once 
to adopt the necessary measures for the re-establishment of the 
apparatus of production. With the demobilization of the army 
millions of working men became available. Shops and factories 
which were engaged in production of munitions are returning 
to the production of articles of everyday use. One of the prin- 
cipal problems of the present time is the immediate renewal and 
increase of the tools of production for manufacturing as well as 
for agricultural purposes. 

At the same time it is urgently necessary to put transporta- 
tion in order for the re-establishment of proper exchange of 
commodities, which would render it possible to transfer the sup- 
plies of bread which have accumulated in some districts into 
consuming districts, and to transport the surplus to foreign 
countries, and to unload the accumulation of foreign freight in 
Vladivostok and Archangel. 

Without the assistance of countries, which are producing a 



206 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

large quantity of the tools of production for agricultural pur- 
poses as well as parts of railroad stock, it will not be easy for 
Russia, and she will not be able with any degree of speed to 
overcome all the difficulties of re-establishing the economic life of 
the country. Even before the war, Russia imported three hun- 
dred and fifty millions of roubles worth of these materials, Ger- 
many being the principal source of supply of them. In 1913 
Germany exported to Russia metals and all kinds of products 
of metals amounting to about two hundred thirty-six million 
roubles worth, which makes 17.2% of the entire imports of mer- 
chandise of this category. Great Britain exported during that 
year only 48.2 million roubles, or 3.5% of the entire imports, 
and the United States of America only 18.4 million roubles, 
or 1.3%. It is true that during the war the situation changed 
so much that the first place in exports for this group of products 
was transferred to the United States of America. In 1914 Ger- 
many brought in 15.1% of the entire imports, amounting to 166 
million roubles, Great Britain 6%, amounting to 66 million 
roubles, and the United States 1.19%, or equal to 21 million 
roubles. In 1915 exports from England and America greatly 
increased; from England they increased to 104 million roubles, 
and from America to 137 million roubles, which is seven times 
the previous amount. Changes in the same direction and to the 
same degree took place in the exports to Russia from America 
and England in 1916 and 1917. 

The same thing is evident in other articles of import and 
export. In general, the war changed the entire picture of 
Russian-American commerce. While before the war America 
occupied the sixth place in commerce, now she occupies the 
second. 

The increase of exports from America to Russia took place 
in the following manner: 



Total amount of Exports from the Percentage of 
imports to U. S. to Russia imports from the 

Years Russia U. S. in compari- 



(In millions of son with total 

roubles) imports 



1912 
1913 
1914 
1915 
1916 



1,171.8 


87.4 


7.5 


1,374.0 


79.1 


5.8 


1,098.0 


82.2 


7.3 


956.7 


256.4 


26.8 


2,414.9 


801.7 


33.2 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 207 

The exports from Russia to the United States are as follows : 

Years Exports from Exports to U. S. Percentage of 

Russia from Russia exports to U. S. 

(in millions of (in millions of as compared with 

roubles) roubles) total exports 

1912 1,518.8 18.0 1.2 

1913 1,320.1 14.2 0.9 

1914 956.1 8.8 0.9 

1915 320.5 3.3 0.9 

1916 500.3 J^l 2.8 

In 1917 the exports from America to Russia made a collosal 
jump, even in comparison with 1916. According to statistics 
during the first eight months of 1917 exports from the United 
States to Russia are as follows: 



1913 
45,186 



(In thousands of roubles) 

1914 1915 1916 

71,429 48,151 239,142 



1917 
336,454 



Although one of the causes for the increase of the cost of 
imported merchandise is the increase of prices, it is true without 
a doubt that the amount of imported merchandise has greatly 
increased. 



m. 

While considering the problem of what commerce is possible 
at the present time with the Central Powers which were fur- 
nishing to us the necessary merchandise before the war and with 
those countries which have served us during the war, it is neces- 
sary to consider the terms of the Brest treaty, which introduces 
the principle of a favored nation. Legally no country can have 
better conditions of foreign commerce than the countries of 
the Central Powers, but the real situation of the internal pro- 
duction of the warring countries has changed to such an extent 
during the war that the position now occupied by America in 
commercial relations with Russia will hardly suffer a loss within 
the next few years. With the present drain on the economic 
life of Germany, there is no reason to expect that she will be 
in a position to export to Russia merchandise needed by the 
latter. 

The following merchandise was exported from the United 
States of America to Russia during 1916: 



208 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

(In thousands of roubles) 

Dressed skins 15,289 

Shoes 28,874 

Twine 8,764 

Machinery made from pig iron, iron, and steel 92,116 

Agricultural machinery 6,847 

Cotton ($570,595) about 30,000 

Total 150,840 

Above are mentioned only the most important group of arti- 
cles of import into Russia, while sugar, paper, and many articles 
of food are not mentioned. 

If we compare the export of merchandise from Germany into 
Russia before the war with the probabilities of what Germany, 

together with Austria-Hungary, can now furnish for the eco- 
nomic life of Russia, it will be evident that the prospects of 
commerce between America and Russia are very good. 

Germany exported the following merchandise to Russia: 

Name of Merchandise 1911 1912 1913 

(In millions of 
German marks) 

Yarn 20.6 12.2 17.6 

Hides of horned cattle 18.2 15.7 27.6 

Coal 16.6 19.9 29.2 

Cotton (raw) 15.3 9.9 11.7 

Leather for lasts 14.9 16.2 23.9 

Merino wool, washed 13.0 15.9 14.8 

Hides 11.8 17.5 20.6 

Hides of Iambs, goats, and horned cattle — lacquered 

(patent leather) 9.3 8.9 11.8 

Internal combustion motors 8.9 9.0 10.2 

Metal working machinery 8.0 9.0 15.5 

Passenger automobiles 7.7 10.7 17.8 

Sewing machines and parts 7.0 6.7 7.9 

Household and kitchen ware made of brass 7.0 7.2 9.8 

Goats' hides, finished 7.0 5.2 6.4 

Electric lamps 6.8 9.5 8.1 

Zinc 6.5 6.3 8 9 

Woolen goods 6.2 6.2 6.6 

Iron plows 6.2 6.7 8.7 

Metalloids — acids, salts, etc 6.2 6.1 8.3 

Super-phosphates 5.8 6.6 7.5 

Coke 6.8 7.7 10.6 

Horse hides 5.6 6.4 5.5 

Books 4.9 5.2 5.3 

Chemical products for medicinal purposes 4.5 4.4 6.0 

Remnants, silk and woolen 4.4 5.3 7.8 

Locomobiles (besides automobiles for plows) 4.3 3.8 3.8 

Furs 4.2 3.2 2.6 

Pianos 4.0 4.8 5.1 

Typographical machinery 3.8 3.1 3.7 

Electrical supplies — transmitters and parts 3.8 6.4 9.0 

Brass and copper merchandise, polished and lacquered 3.6 4.2 5.0 

Rubber 3.3 4.7 2.7 

Tar Products 3.3 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 



209 



There is no doubt that during the next few years, Russia 
could not expect to receive from Germany many of the above 
mentioned articles of merchandise. The exhaustion of the eco- 
nomic apparatus of Germany will not allow her to furnish to 
other countries tools of production even under the most advan- 
tageous commercial and political conditions. By force of events 
Germany will be compelled to surrender her leading place as a 
source for the economic life of Russia for the next few years 
to a country which has not been disorganized as much as Ger- 
many by the war. Only America can become that country. 
With the inability of Germany to exploit the Russian market 
for German industry during the next few years, it wull be very 
difficult for her in the future to regain the leading part, if 
during that time America succeeds in taking advantage of the 
favorable circumstances created for her by events and establishes 
a working apparatus of commerce between the two countries. 

How did Russia pay for merchandise which was received from 
other countries, and how can she pay for it now? We used 
to pay by raw materials — by exporting grain, meat and poultry, 
lumber materials, extracts of cotton seed, hides, wool, ore, oil 
and its products, flaxen and hempen products, bristles, calves 
hides, furs, animal intestines, stomachs and bloaters, caviar, etc. 

During the war we have exported of the most important 
products not prohibited for export, the following: 





1914 


1915 


1916 




Total 
export 
(In thou- 
sands of 
roubles ) 


To 

U.S. 


.03 
.19 
.37 
.02 
.04 
.15 

.88 


Total 
ex- 
port 


To 

U.S. 

249 

734 

691 

90 

87 

379 

25 


% 

.08 

.82 
.26 
.02 
.10 
.05 
.06 


Total 
ex- 
port 


To 

U.S. 


% 


Flax 


64,256 

16,346 

6,857 

6,265 

5,620 

4,635 

1,637 

705 

654 


154 

3,034 

2,535 

10 

20 

686 

617 




31,057 
7,057 

875 
2,739 
4,986 

853 
7,545 

426 

238 


98,261 
5,641 
1,934 

10,768 

10,100 
2,659 

12,688 

194 

9,603 


2,506 
1,460 

676 
3,608 

635 

953 
183 

2,282 


Or? 


Unfinished skins , . . 

Persian lamb 

Hides (other kinds) 
Bristles 


.26 
.30 
.33 

06 


Wool 




Flax 

Licorice root 

Sugar beet 


.08 
.92 
.25 



210 RUSSIAN- AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Besides these products directly exported to America, Russia 
could pay for merchandise bought in America also with other 
products of its agricultural and mining industry, but there is 
no doubt that in the near future, it will be hardly possible 
to bring our greatly depressed commercial balance to a normal 
state, because to do this, we must have tools of production, in 
order to increase the amount of production of merchandise which 
could be exported to foreign countries. Therefore the country 
which is interested in receiving payment as soon as possible for 
merchandise brought into Russia should naturally be also in- 
terested in the quickest and increased delivery to Russia of all 
those articles of industry — machinery, locomotives, etc., which 
would increase the productivity of the agricultural and mining 
industries of Russia. 

What do we need and on what conditions can we receive 
what we need from America? It is not easy to answer the first 
question, because in each branch of the mining and manufactur- 
ing industries it is necessary to investigate the need for essential 
products, to ascertain the possibilities of internal production and 
its capacity to satisfy the requirements of internal consump- 
tion. Some time is necessary to accomplish this. This will 
be one of the first problems of the various departments of the 
Council of Foreign Trade, in which all important branches 
of the mining and manufacturing industries will be repre- 
sented. At the present time the following categories of mer- 
chandise of foreign origin are urgently needed in Russia: 
railroad supplies, agricultural machinery, electric machinery 
for obtaining cheap power, mining machinery — ^in view of a 
necessity of transferring the mining industry from the Donetz 
basin to the Ural, machines for improving transportation on 
highways and building of narrow gauge electric railroads, cot- 
ton and machinery for needs of the cotton textile industries, 
certain articles of food such as sugar, wheat, etc. 

The conditions under which the United States could furnish 
the economic life of Russia with the necessary products must 
be a subject of special negotiations. As an economic basis for 
these negotiations, the following approximate export plan for 
1918 could serve: 

The following could be exported from Russia: 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 211 

In millions 
of roubles 

Lumber 800 

Flax and hemp 220 

Oil 250 

Manganese ore 400 

Platinum 200 

Bristles, horses' hair and hoofs 25 

Raw hides 400 

Furs 200 

Tobacco 200 

Other products 150 

A total of approximately three billions of roubles. 

The Brest treaty made it inconvenient and undesirable for 
us to give to any country exclusive concessions for the exploita- 
tion of the natural resources of Russia. But by carrying out 
the nationalization of foreign trade the Government of Russia 
has the right to buy merchandise wherever it finds it necessary 
and to sell it wherever it finds it most profitable for itself. 
On this basis it is possible to make commercial agreements and 
bargains in every separate concrete case regardless of the amount 
involved. Not on the basis of some written concessions but on the 
basis of business arrangements, could America participate ac- 
tively in the exploitation of the marine riches of Eastern Siberia, 
of coal and other mines, as well as in the railroad and marine 
transportation construction in Siberia and northern European 
Russia. Especially in the connection of the Northern Sea route 
with the Enisei River, the improvement of water routes, building 
of ports and using of the water power, there is great need. 

As security of payment for products brought into Russia, 
America could be given the privilege of participating in certain 
construction enterprises, such as: the building of electric power 
stations on the Volkhov and Sir, the digging of a canal from 
Soretskoe to Petrograd, the development of the water routes of 
the Donetz basin and the Volga-Don canal, the development of 
coal mines, the exploitation of the seal industry in the Com- 
mandor Islands, the lumber industry in Southern Kamchatka, 
the construction of railroads from Irkutsk to Bodaibo on the 
river Rion, Nikolaevsk-Amur-Grafskaya, the Bay of Olga, 
Verkhneudinsk-Urga, etc. The United States could also par- 
ticipate on a large scale in the development of certain well- 
known extensive agricultural tracts, by introducing modern 
methods, receiving in return a large proportion of the products. 

Further, Russia guarantees that the military stores which are 
on hand in Russia will not be sold to Germany, and that all 



212 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

war materials which were manufactured in England and 
America for Russia will be transferred to the United States. 



[92.] 

Report presented by Colonel Raymond Robins to the Secre- 
tary of State, July i, 19 18. 

AMERICAlv ECONOMIC CO-OPERATlON WITH RUSSIA. 

I. 

Russia Will Welcome American Assistance in Economic 

Reconstruction. 

America's democratic war aims are such as to make allied 
intervention by force in Russia inconceivable unless desired by 
the great mass of the Russian people. Thus far there has been 
no expression of any such desire, but there is now presented in 
the invitation coming from the responsible head of the Soviet 
Government for America's co-operation in economic reconstruc- 
tion, the opportunity for taking a vitally important preliminary 
step toward complete economic and military co-operation in the 
creation of an effective Eastern front. This suggestion should 
be considered solely as a war measure, uninfluenced by altruistic 
concern for the Russian people. 

The Russian people and their leaders are learning by bitter 
daily experience the necessity of organizing resistance to Ger- 
man power. When the peace written by Germany at Brest- 
Litovsk was signed the condition of the old army was such that 
it was utterly incapable of resisting any organized force. De- 
mobilization was the first indispensable prerequisite for the 
creation of an effective force with which German power could 
be opposed. The next step is the reconstruction of the economic 
situation. Modern armies cannot survive unsupported by eco- 
nomic and industrial organization. 

It was upon the plea of the necessity for economic recon- 
struction that the peace, frankly described as shameful, was 
accepted. The leaders of the Soviet Government realize that 
their social-economic revolution must fail, and that Russia will 
inevitably fall under the complete domination of autocratic Ger- 
many unless immediate and effective assistance in the recon- 
struction of economic life can be obtained. Their faith in the 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 213 

formulas of International Socialism naturally repels the sugges- 
tion of friendly co-operation with so-called Imperialistic and 
Capitalistic Governments, but the compelling realities and neces- 
sities of life have led in this case, as in many others, to readjust- 
ment and compromise. Hence the present suggestion coming 
from the responsible head of the Soviet Government which is 
an earnest request for America's co-operation in the internal 
reconstruction of economic life. 

It is my sincere conviction, if this suggestion is acted upon 
and such economic reorganization is accomplished as is needed 
to equip and support a revolutionary army, that such an army 
can and will be formed and that in such event the assistance 
of armed forces of the Allies will be gladly accepted by the 
Soviet Power. This Power cannot be expected to countenance 
Allied intervention until convinced that the intervening force 
will not be used to destroy it. 

n. 

General Purposes of an Economic Commission 

The aims of an Economic Commission sent to Russia to 
co-operate in the problem of economic reconstruction will be— ^ 

First. To so reconstruct commercial distribution as to assure 
the consumption of Russian resources in Russia where they are 
vitally needed, thus preventing such resources from being used 
for the support of the German people and the German armies. 

Second. To control the use and disposition of surplus re- 
sources and through such control to prevent such use in the 
service of Germany. 

Third. If possible to re-establish trade with Russia upon a 
basis which, while facilitating economic reconstruction in Russia, 
will at the same time furnish to the Allies for use in England 
and France necessary products shipped from Russia via 
Archangel, which otherwise would necessarily be brought to 
England from more distant ports requiring longer voyages and 
consequently a greater use of tonnage. 

Fourth. To convince the Russian people that the interests 
of Russia and the Allies in overthrowing German autocracy are 
identical, and that American assistance is given solely with a 
view to hastening the day when Russia will be able to aid the 
destruction of the German menace. 

Fifth. To encourage and assist in the organization of a 



214 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

voluntary revolutionary army, creating behind such an army 
the necessary organization for its economic support. 

Sixth. To convince the leaders of Revolutionary Russia, 
whoever they may be, that the Allied Governments have no 
imperialistic purposes in Russia and will gladly send forces 
to assist the Russian people in opposing the aggression of Ger- 
man force; and through co-operation with these leaders, to 
obtain their consent to sending Allied troops which in co-opera- 
tion with Russian forces may be sufficient to re-establish the 
Russian front. 

SeventJi, To obtain an accurate understanding of the funda- 
mental social forces at work in Russia and to keep the American 
and other Allied Governments advised of the actual facts con- 
trolling the development of the Russian, social, economic, and 
political revolution. 

m. 

The Economic Problem 

Russia is not suffering so much from a lack of resources as 
from the break-down of the ordinary processes of distribution. 
The Russian peasant finds himself with a large quantity of 
grain and a large amount of depreciated paper currency. If he 
takes his grain to the local center of trade he finds none of the 
necessities of his life for sale, and cannot exchange his grain 
except for more depreciated paper money. Consequently the 
grain is not brought to market. In several instances where ship- 
ments of manufactured articles needed by the peasants have 
been sent to villages, theretofore suffering from the lack of grain, 
abundant supplies of grain have at once been brought from the 
surrounding country by the peasants to be exchanged for the 
manufactured articles. 

While this is typical of the situation in many provinces, 
other neighboring provinces are facing famine conditions because 
of crop failures or other reasons, and have no grain with which 
to sow their fields or to feed their people. In a district near 
Samara, the handling of such a situation was attempted by the 
local peasant ^s co-operative society. Going to the peasants who 
lacked the seed wheat with which to sow their fields, this organi- 
zation proposed to procure the necessary seed-wheat, provided 
the peasants would advance the price of the grain which the 
society promised to deliver within a fixed period of time. Many 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 215 

of the peasants, ignorant of all methods of business involving 
even the simplest form of credit, refused this offer made solely 
in their own interest. A unit of the American Friends Society, 
which has been doing excellent work in that district, determined 
to bridge the gap; and sending a man to Omsk found no dif- 
ficulty in purchasing the necessary seed-wheat, and after pro- 
curing the same transported and sold it to the peasants without 
loss in a majority of cases. 

Meanwhile, the factories in the industrial centers have in 
many cases continued their operations and have produced manu- 
factured articles that are lacking in the country districts. In 
illustration: The J. M. Coates Company, which produces 60 per 
cent of all the cotton thread produced in Russia, and which has 
large factories in Petrograd, continued its operations up to the 
end of February, 1918, and at that time had on hand the largest 
stock of manufactured products its books had ever shown. Owing 
to difficulties of communication, transport, and hauling, the dis- 
tributing branch of the business had not been functioning. That 
efficient production is possible under Soviet rule has been dem- 
onstrated by the experience of the International Harvester Com- 
pany which has largely increased its producing efficiency during 
the past six months under Soviet rule. This experience was 
made possible through tactful handling of a very difficult situa- 
tion which resulted in effective co-operation from the Soviet 
authorities w^ho in order to get results were willing when faced 
with the practical necessities of the situation, to modify the 
rigid formulas of their economic theory. No doubt the experi- 
ence of this company is exceptional, but the tactful handling 
of daily problems as they arise through a competent American 
Economic Commission will be the most effective method of ac- 
complishing similar results in like cases. 

IV. 

Government Co-operation 

Obviously nothing can be accomplished without the co-opera- 
tion of governmental power. The commission must, therefore, 
go if it goes at all, willing to deal with the leaders of Revolu- 
tionary Russia actually in power, without regard to their prin- 
ciples or formulas of economic, social, or political life, so long 
as such leaders sincerely desire to recreate forces in Russia 
which will be used in resisting the force of German arms. Seek- 



216 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

ing such co-operation, the members of this commission will be 
asked to advise regarding problems of a most practical and 
controlling nature. They will be able to exert powerful influ- 
ence to prevent large commercial transactions with Germany. 
All of this work will from necessity be done under Government 
control and protection. Their advice reinforced by the uncom- 
promising facts of life will lead inevitably to the modification, 
adjustment, and softening of the hard and impossible formulas 
of radical socialism; and because of the necessity of finding it, 
a practical basis for progress will be found. The Russian Revo- 
lution has now reached the stage where it is to be controlled, 
not by theory, but by the unyielding necessities of life. This 
fact is becoming each day more clear to the radical socialistic 
group now in control of the Soviet Government. 

It is apparent from the informality of the suggestion invit- 
ing American co-operation that formal recognition of the Sov'et 
Government is not a necessary prerequisite to co-operatic . 
Acting upon this informal invitation, a commission can pr - 
ceed to Russia and be placed in direct touch with the enti. ' 
situation without further formality. 

American co-operation will give the Allies effective and con- 
trolling influence upon the internal situation. Such co-operatioil 
will be able to direct the forces supporting the Soviet Power 
against Germany. If effective, co-operation will ultimately 
compel the continued utilization against the Russian people of 
tyrannical German force, thus preventing German co-operation 
and increasing the bitter resentment against Germany which is 
steadily gaining ground in Russia. If the economic life of 
Russia can be suflSciently organized to make possible the sup- 
port of an effective army, this growing resentment will surely 
cr>^stallize in the organization of an army which will effectively 
oppose the German menace in Russia. 



Organization of Commission ' 

Through co-operation with the Government the work of such 
a Commission will be concerned with: — 

(1) Railway control, management and operation; ^ 

(2) Reorganization of credit and finance, governmental ana 
commercial ; 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 217 

(3) Commercial distribution of grain and manufactured 
articles in exchange for grain; 

(4) Pood administration and control; 

(5) Shipping and foreign trade, with particular reference 
to Allied war needs; 

(6) Industrial management and control in co-operation 
with labor; 

(7) Reorganization of manufacturing and coal mining 
industries ; 

(8) Development of agriculture; 

(9) Prevention, or utilization, of speculative markets; 

(10) Education; 

(11) Propaganda. 

To accomplish substantial results the most competent organiz- 
ing and technical ability will be required. Members of the 
Commission must be men of liberal views and sympathetic 
understanding, capable of meeting fact conditions with practical 
ability to achieve results under difficult and complex circum- 
stances. 

Under the control of the Commission it will be necessary to 
create an extensive organization with representatives in all im- 
portant centers of Russian life. For this purpose the distribut- 
ing and sales organizations of large business concerns, both 
American and English, which have heretofore been organized 
in Russia and which are now in danger of being disorganized 
should be utilized and reorganized to meet the actual demands 
of the situation. There are many such organizations in Russia 
as, for instance, the New York Life Insurance Company, the 
J. M. Coates Company, and the International Harvester Com- 
pany. 

The organization thus created by the Commission will co- 
operate in the various local centers with various Russian 
agencies, including the local Soviets, the Peasants' Co-operative 
Societies and the local Zemstvos where they are functioning. 
Thus the commercial and industrial needs necessary for re- 
creation of commercial life may be effectively ascertained. 
[Through co-operation in railway management the opportunity 
will be created of transporting manufactured goods from the 
place of production to the place of consumption. The Commis- 
sion will be able to control the disposition of manufactured goods 
by the use of American credit and upon transportation of such 



218 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

goods to the local centers will, with them, be able to control the 
disposition of large food products. 

These products should of course be primarily used for con- 
sumption in Russia and will be transported to the centers where 
food products are lacking. Any surplus will be available for 
export. 

If export trade with the Allies can be re-established upon 
such a basis as to result in economic use of tonnage in bringing 
from Archangel products required in England and Prance it 
should be possible in exchange for these products to ship to 
Russia agricultural and other tools and machinery and manu- 
factured products. This trade should be in the absolute control 
of the Commission, so that the distribution of the goods sent to 
Russia will be, in so far as possible, under the control of the 
Commission. With American credit and American goods the 
Commission will be able to control the disposition of Russian 
resources, vitally needed by Germany. In this connection it 
is encouraging to note that there are authentic reports to the 
effect that Germany has been endeavoring to make large pur- 
chases of American bank notes for the purchase of grain from 
the Ukraine peasants. This fact indicates that Germany has 
not at her disposal the goods required by the Ukrainian peasants 
for which they would be willing to exchange their grain. Effec- 
tive organization combined with the use of American credit and 
the control of American goods should effectively prevent the 
commercial exploitation of Russia by Germany during the 
balance of the war. 

The work of this Commission will be so extensive that the 
burden of responsible supervision should not be placed upon 
any of the departments of the Government already so greatly 
overburdened with work. In order to meet this situation and 
at the same time to obtain proper co-ordination it is suggested 
that a separate and independent department of the Government 
be created under the Overman Act; that at the head of this 
department there should be a man enjoying the absolute confi- 
dence of the President, who shall be responsible only to the 
President; that there be associated with him representatives of 
the various Government departments having vital interests con- 
nected with the prosecution of the war which may be related 
to the work of the Commission. 

The Commission should be responsible only to this inde- 
pendent department and, through it, responsible to the Presi- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 219 

dent. This department should be granted an appropriation by 
Congress adequate to effectively carry on its work. The very 
large amount of money which will be required is indicated by 
the character of the work to be done. 

Independent facilities of communication in cipher should be 
established between the Commission and the department to which 
it is to be responsible. 

Time is of the utmost importance. The Commission should 
be organized as quickly as possible and should proceed to Russia 
via Archangel so as to reach the center of European Russia with- 
out unnecessary delay. 

Raymond Robins. 
July 1, 1918. 

(37895) 

[930 

Statement by Ambassadar Francis, given out by the Com- 
mittee on Public Information, May 31, 19 18. 

(Izvestia, May 31, 1918.) 

The policy of my Government is not to intervene in the 
internal affairs of Russia — and this policy has never been 
violated. 

America has entered the present war to fight for peace, and 
not for the sake of territorial acquisitions or commercial advan- 
tages and she will not lay down arms until all people receive 
the right of self-determination and until humanity is assured 
a permanent peace. 

President Wilson, in his address of the 18th of May, speak- 
ing of the attempt of the Central Powers to make peace at 
Russians expense, made the following statement concerning that 
country : 

''I intend to stand by Russia as well as France. The help- 
less and the friendless are the very ones that need friends and 
succor, and if any men in Germany think we are going to 
sacrifice anybody for our own sake, I tell them now they are 
mistaken. * * 

The Allied Missions in Russia have been subjected to many 
inconveniences, and perhaps have suffered undignified treatment, 



220 



RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



but they intend to tolerate such further, in order not to mioJ 
any available opportunity for assisting the Russians, in order 
to prevent the possibility of turning Russia into a German 
province. 

In the name of the American Embassy I state that I have 
not considered for a minute the thought of leaving Russia, and 
now reiterate my statement, made two months ago, at the time 
of the ratification of the Brest-Litovsk treaty, that I will not 
leave Russia until I am forced to do so. 

In spite of the attempt to repudiate the loans which were 
made by my Government to Russia I insistently encouraged 
delivery from America to Russia of clothing, agricultural ma- 
chinery, etc., and now, at the time of writing these lines, I am 
trying to obtain delivery in Russia of 750,000 pairs of footwear 
which are ready in one of the Pacific ports and are intended for 
the members of the Railway Workers' Union^and their families. 

I am also using every effort in order to lift the embargo 
on the export of tea from China into Russia. A certain number 
of experienced American railroad builders and engineers are at 
present on their way to Vologda for a conference with myself 
and representatives of the Department of Ways of Communi- 
cation, for the purpose of improving the disorganized railroad 
traffic of Russia. 

This Railroad Commission, consisting of several hundred 
Americans, arrived at Vladivostok in December, and has been 
awaiting further instructions here. Some of them are helping 
with their advice in the management of the Chinese Eastern 
Railway, from Vladivostok to the station Manchuria. Some 
were invited to assist in the transportation of troops and supplies 
intended for Semenov, but my Government refused to give its 
sanction, and gave me instructions accordingly — such precau- 
tions we maintain in order not to interfere in the internal affairs 
of Russia. 

There is no need for me to state that the American Railroad 
Commission, carrying out the purpose for which it was sent — 
and that is improving the railroad traffic in Russia — will receive 
instructions to abstain completely from any actions which would 
increase the possibility of exporting Russian bread and products 
to the Central Empires, as such a result would be contradictory 
to the purpose in question and would not be for the good of 
the Russian people themselves. 

All Americans, with the exception of those who are training 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 221 

for the battlefield, are diligently engaged in the production of 
supplies for America's Allies, and without boasting I may state 
that America can satisfy not only all Russia's need of manu- 
factured products but also all the demands of the Allies for 
products which they themselves cannot produce. 



[94.] 

Statement cabled by Mr. Lansing to Ambassador Francis, 
and given out by the Committee on Public Information, 
May 31, 1918. 

(Izvestia, May 31, 1918.) 

The Department received yours 127 and 128 as well as 
cables from Vologda, Vladivostok and Moscow, which informed 
regarding the prohibition of use of cipher in telegraphic com- 
munications. In reply to this report you are herewith in- 
formed that the representatives of the United States of America 
have not assisted any of the internal movements in Russia, which 
is confirmed in statements issued by you. 

The friendly intentions of the United States towards Russia 
were clearly defined by the President in his speech to Congress 
of January 8th and his message to the Russian people through 
the Soviets. 

They will not be changed under the influence of accusations 
like those that have reached us nor through any denials of 
diplomatic privileges accepted in international relations thjwugh- 
out the whole world. » 

At the present time several groups are appealing to us for 
assistance in their attempts to establish a new government in 
Siberia. Our Government did not reply to any of these appeals, 
as you were informed by cable of the 2nd of May, when it was 
reported that Colonel Semenov asked for assistance to the Rus- 
sian Railroad Corps by American engineers who were organized 
for the purpose of assisting the Russian Railroad Administra- 
tion. Orders were issued that the work of these engineers must 
not be used in favor of any single movement participating in 
civil war, and must not assist the military operations of Semenov, 
and if this could be prevented only by their departure, they 
must leave. 

At the same time you were informed that Colonel Emerson 



222 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

and some of his assistants were going to Vologda to organize, 
together with you, a conference regarding the way these engi- 
neers could be used for assisting people in European Russia, 
as well as for the purpose of increasing the resistance of the 
Russian people to the Central Powers. Colonel Emerson, to- 
gether with three assistants, left Harbin for Vologda May 3rd. 

The aims of the United States are evident, and are nof cov- 
ered by any secret diplomacy. The United States is at war 
with the Central Powers for the purpose of the overthrow of 
German militarism, and is aiming, as far as possible, that the 
people of the whole world should live in peace, liberated from 
the threat of autocratic powers. 

The Government of the United States understands perfectly 
the desire for rest of the Russian people, exhausted by heroic 
sacrifice made in the war, and shares its hopes for a permanent 
peace based on principles of liberty and justice. 

The United States sees now how Russia is violated by Ger- 
man and Austrian troops. The Soviets' Communiques show 
that where the Russians in peaceful centers do not im^mediately 
acquiesce in the orders of the German Commanders, they are 
subjected to the crudest persecutions or court martialed, and 
that the German military chariot is riding over, with its wheels, 
the prostrate body of the Russian people. 

In spite of the fact that in many districts of Russia the 
population is starving, and that North Russia is threatened with 
a general hunger, the Central Powers insist on the exact carrying 
out of the terms of the contract, and are taking out of the 
Ukraine food supplies which are necessary for the other part of 
Russia and without which it cannot exist. 

The Department cannot understand how such a state of 
affairs can continue without awakening the attention of the 
Russian people to the dangers threatening their liberty, which 
they have won, thanks to the revolution. The Department, how- 
ever, desires that you should make clear the friendly intentions 
of the United States towards Russia, which will remain un- 
changed until the time when Russia voluntarily submits to the 
autocratic rule of the Central Powers. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 223 



[95-] 

Statement by the American Ambassador — supplied to the 
Press by the Committee on Public Information, June 
I, igi8. 

{Izvestia, June 1, 1918.) 

In reply to a question whether his Government or any other 
of the Allied Governments made any offers to the Soviet Gov- 
ernment the American Ambassador states as follows: 

It seems that there exists a misunderstanding or a not suf- 
ficiently clear understanding regarding the question of the atti- 
tude of the Allied Governments to the present Soviet Govern- 
ment. 

In the name of the American Government I may state that 
no authoritative offer, official or even semi-official, was made to 
the Soviet Government. 

Soon after my arrival in Vologda or at the time of the rati- 
fication of the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty by the All-Russian 
Congress of Soviets in Moscow, I made the statement that my 
Government did not recognize this separate peace, and that 
the American people continued to consider themselves Allies of 
the Russian people in the struggle against the Central Empires, 
and that my Government was ready and willing to give moral 
and material support to any organization which would be willing 
to resist the German offensive. The same points were reiterated 
by me in further statements regarding preparations made by 
America as a result of the resoluteness and enthusiasm which 
inspired all the American people. 

American representatives all over Russia attempted to pre- 
serve as modus vivendi with the Governments of the localities 
where they were stationed. 

These representatives have received various requests for as- 
sistance OP moral support from organizations already existing 
or attempting to organize an opposition to the existing Govern- 
ment, but such requests were unequivocably declined or ignored. 
In other words, the policy of my Government consists in non- 
intervention in the internal affairs of Russia and in giving the 
opportunity to the people of this great country to select their 
own form of government, make their own laws and elect their 
own officials. 



224 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

President Wilson in all those points of his speeches whic 
concerned Russia expressed the firm decision of the America 
Government and the American people to assist the Russia 
people and not allow any injustice or injury to be inflicted upo. 
Russia or the Russians.^ 



[96.] 

Note from the Soviet Government regarding the Czecho- 
slovaks, June 13, 1918. 

{Izvestia, June 13, 1918.) 

The following note was delivered to the British representa- 
tive, French Consul General, American Consul General and 
Italian Consul General: 

On the 4th of June representatives of four powers, England, 
France, Italy, and the United States of America, furnished us 
with a statement regarding the Czechoslovaks in which they 
pointed out that if the disarming of the Czechoslovaks should 
be carried out the above-mentioned Governments would consider 
it as a hostile act, directed against them, as the Czechoslovak 
troops are Allied troops and are under the protection and care 
of the powers of the Entente. 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs has the honor 
to make the following explanation regarding this letter: 

The disarming of the Czechoslovaks cannot be considered in 
any way as an act of hostility to the powers of the Entente. 

It was due first of all to the fact that Russia as a neutral 
country cannot tolerate on its territory armed troops that do 
not belong to the army of the Soviet Republic. 

The direct reason for the taking of decisive and severe 
measures for the disarming of the Czechoslovaks is their own 
actions. 

1 Izvestia, June 22, 1918 contained the following: 

" Vologda newspapers publish an interview with the representatives 
of the American, Japanese, and Italian Embassies The American repre- 
sentative expressed the readiness of that country to give Russia economic 
and food assistance on condition that these supplies would not reach Ger- 
many. The Japanese representative denied any possibility of intervention 
and said that the troops in Vladivostok would be withdrawn as soon as 
order should be re-established in that city. . . . The American repre- 
sentative, among other things, said: 'The existing Russian Central Govern- 
ment of Soviets is recognized by us to be much more stable than it could 
be supposed in the beginning.' " 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 225 

Long before the present armed counter-revolutionary rebel- 
lion in Siberia, which is not as yet put down, the Czechoslovak 
troops by refusing to obey the railroad regulations and the local 
Soviet authorities, brought about disorganization in the railroad 
communications and especially in the organization of the food 
supply. By force of arms they have seized stores of food sup- 
plies and in several places committed acts of violence against 
Socialist Internationalists. The Soviet Government was seeking 
a peaceful solution of the increasingly threatening situation 
but in view of the defiant attitude of the Czechoslovaks and in 
consequence of the danger created by their armed movements, 
it was decided to hasten the necessary measures for their 
disarming. 

However, only the direct counter-revolutionary armed rebel- 
lion of the Czechoslovak troops against the Soviets compelled 
the Soviet Government to adopt the severe method of suppres- 
sion of the rebels by force of arms. 

The Czechoslovak rebellion started in Tcheliabinsk on the 
26th of May, where the Czechoslovaks occupied the railroad sta- 
tion and the city; stole arms, arrested and removed the local 
authorities, and, in reply to a demand to discontinue their dis- 
orders and to disarm, fired on our forces. 

The further development of the rebellion led to the occupa- 
tion by the Czechoslovaks of Penza, Samara, Novo-Nicholaevsk, 
Omsk, and other cities. 

The Czechoslovak rebellion everywhere was followed by arrest 
of the Soviet authorities and shootings, as well as by the creation 
of counter-revolutionary organizations which called themselves 
local governments. The Czechoslovaks everywhere are acting 
in conjunction with White Guards and counter-revolutionary 
Russian officers. 

In some places there are among them French officers. At 
all points of the counter-revolutionary Czechoslovak rebellion, 
institutions are being restored which were abolished by the 
Workmen's and Peasants' Soviet Republic. 

The incidents that took place prove to us that in this case we 
have before us a rebellion of White Guards, reactionary officers, 
and other counter-revolutionary elements against the Soviet 
Republic, supported by the armed force of the Czechoslovak 
troops and basing itself on this force. 

The Soviet Government took the most decided measures for 
the suppression by armed force of the Czechoslovaks and their 



4 



226 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

complete disarming. There is no other solution possible for th( 
Soviet Government. 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs expresses it 
belief that after the above statement the representatives of th( 
four pov^ers of the Entente will not consider the disarming o1 
the Czechoslovak troops who were characterized by them as Allies 
and who are under their protection as an act of hostility, bu1 
on the contrary, will recognize the necessity and propriety oi 
the action undertaken by the Soviet Government against th( 
rebels. 

The People's Commissariat furthermore expresses the hope 
that the representatives of the four powers of the Entente will 
not hesitate to express censure of the Czechoslovak troops whc 
are considered to be under their protection for their counter- 
revolutionary armed rebellion, which is a most brazen and un- 
mistakable interference in the internal affairs of Russia. 

(signed) Tchichebin, 

People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs. 



[97.] 

Note handed by Tchicherin to R. H. Bruce Lockhart, British 
Representative, June 28, 19 18. 

{Izvestia, June 28, 1918.) 

By the will of laboring people who are conscious of the unity 
of their interests and their solidarity with the laboring masses of 
the whole world, the Russian Socialist Federative Republic left 
the ranks of the warring powers and discontinued the state of 
war, the further continuation of which the internal conditions 
of Russia made impossible. 

The laboring people of Russia and the Workmen's and 
Peasants' Government, doing its will, are concerned only to live 
in peace and friendship with all other nations. 

The laboring people of Russia do not threaten war against 

any nation, and no danger can menace Great Britain from the 

Russian people. 

f^ The Workmen's and Peasants' Government of Russia cannot 

but most emphatically protest against the invasion, unprovoked 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 227 

by any aggressive measures on the part of Russia, by British 
armed troops that have just arrived in Murmansk.^ 

Upon the armed forces of the Russian Republic rests the 
duty of protecting the Murmansk District against any foreign 
invasion, and this duty the Soviet troops will unrelentingly 
fulfill, carrying out to the very end their revolutionary duty of 
guarding Soviet Russia. 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs most em- 
phatically insists that no armed forces of Great Britain, or any 
other foreign power, should be present in Murmansk, which is a 
city of neutral Russia. At the same time, it repeats once more 
the protest which we have made several times, against the pres- 
ence in the port of Murmansk of British warships, and it ex- 
presses our firm expectation that the British Government will 
revoke this measure which is inconsistent with the international 
position of Russia, and that the laboring people of Russia, who 
warmly desire to remain in unbroken friendly relations with 
Great Britain, will not be placed, against their will, in a position 
out of keeping with their most sincere aims. 

(signed) Tchicherin, 

People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs. 



[98.] 

Note sent by Tchicherin to R. H. Bruce Lockhart, 

June 30, 1918.2 

{Izvestia, June 30, 1918.) 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs has sent the 
following note to the British diplomatic representative, Mr. 
Lockhart : 

1 The original operations of French and British troops on the Murman 
coast in April, 1918, were undertaken in co-operation with the Soviet 
authorities. The troops landed now included a small number of American 
marines who guarded supplies at Kola. By the middle of July the Allied 
forces had occupied the whole of the Murman coast and held the northern 
end of the railway. 

2 Similar notes, with slight changes, were delivered to the repre- 
sentatives of the United States, France, Japan, and Italy. According to 
later issues of Izvestia, the Italian, French, British, and American Con- 
suls General visited the Commissariat of Foreign AflFairs in succession and 
each denied any connection with or responsibility for the statements in 

\Na8he Slovo. 



228 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

In view of the published statements in the newspaper, Nashe 
Slovo of several foreign diplomats in Moscow, which statements 
defined the conditions under which, according to the opinion of 
these diplomats, the intervention of Great Britain and her Allies 
in Russian affairs will be possible, the People's Commissariat of 
Foreign Affairs will be very grateful to the British diplomat! • 
representative for an explanation as to whether or not thei ' 
statements are to be construed as an expression of the tri. ' 
opinions of the Government of Great Britain. 

Such an explanation, in the opinion of the People's Com- 
missariat, is still more necessary, because in the above-mentioned 
statements there is no evidence that the intended intervention 
will not be directed against the Soviet Government in Russia, 
and will not bear the character of an armed foreign invasion. 

This explanation will have a special meaning now, when 
British military forces have already landed on the northern 
coast of Russia and when the Czechoslovak troops, whom the 
representatives of Great Britain and her Allies declared to be 
under the protection of the Allied troops, continue their armed 
rebellion against the Soviet Government, and replace the Soviets, 
everywhere that they can do so, by counter-revolutionary insti- 
tutions, and commit all kinds of acts of violence against the 
active defenders and officials of the Soviet Government. We 
also state that the representatives of Great Britain and the 
Allies have not expressed a single word of condemnation of the 
actions of the troops under their protection. 

The People's Commissariat expresses the firm belief thai 
the representative of Great Britain will repudiate all complicity 
in the plans of armed intervention, on the territory of the Rus- 
sian Soviet Republic. 

In the name of the friendly relations, which Russia hopes tc 
preserve and establish firmly between the peoples of Russia 
and Great Britain, the People's Commissariat of Foreigr 
Affairs fully expects that the representative of Great Britain 
will anounce the disagreement of his Government with the plans 
which are leading to the break of friendly relations, in view oi 
the fact that absence of such repudiation cannot but be consid 
ered by the laboring people as tacit agreement with the views 
referred to. 

(signed) Tchicherin, 

People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 229 

[99.] /^ 

Protest by Tchicherin against the Movement of British 

Troops. 

{Izveatia, July 13, 1918.) 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs delivered the 
following note to the British diplomatic representative, Mr. 
Loekhart : 

In spite of repeated assurances by the British Government 
that the landing of the British troops in Murmansk is not a 
hostile act against the Russian Soviet Republic, the British Gov- 
ernment has not fulfilled our elementary demand for the removal 
of troops from Soviet territory, but together with French and 
Serbian auxiliary forces, its detachments are moving south to the 
interior. Soviet officials are being arrested and even some- 
times shot. Railroad guards are being disarmed. Railroads 
and telegraph are taken under control. After occupying Kem 
and Soroki, the British troops moved further east and occupied 
Sumski-Posad, on the road to Onega. Such actions of the 
British troops can be considered only as an occupation of terri- 
tory of the Russian Soviet Republic. No other explanation can 
be given for the moving of the British troops eastward. 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs declares its 
most solemn protest against this unjustified violation in regard 
to Soviet Russia. We have stated, and we are stating once more, 
that Soviet troops will do everything possible in order to protect 
Russian territory, and will offer the most determined resistance 
to the foreign armed invasion. We point especially to the feeling 
that is being developed among the wide masses of Russia by the 
unprovoked British invasion, and to the results which this feel- 
ing will have upon the masses in the future. 

(signed) Tchicherin, 

People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs. 

[100.] 

Note from Tchicherin to the United States. 

{Izvestia, July 13, 1918.) 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs has sent the 
following note to the Consul General of the United States; 



230 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs cannot but 
express its great surprise regarding the action of the represen- 
tative of the United States of America, the friendly attitude 
of which to the Russian Republic is so highly valued, in con- 
cluding the so-called treaty with the Murmansk Soviet, which 
has failed in its civic duty to Soviet Russia, in the matter of 
an agreement to an armed invasion by troops of the Allies of 
the territory of Soviet Russia, against the latter 's will. The 
Russian Government hopes that the friendly American Govern- 
ment will not continue to follow the road of violating the 
territorial integrity and elementary rights of the Soviet Russian 
Republic, but, on the contrary, will assist in removing every- 
thing that leads to such violation. 

(signed) Tchicherin, 



[lOI.] 

Statement by the Allied Consuls. 

(Izvestia, July 26, 1918.) 

Regarding the departure of the Allied Ambassadors from 
Vologda on the 25th of July,^ the American Consul General, 
Mr. Poole, who is in charge of maintaining diplomatic relations 
with the Soviet Government, visited the People's Commissariat 
of Foreign Affairs, and stated in the name of the British diplo- 
matic representative, Mr. Lockhart, and the French, Italian, and 
Japanese Consuls General, that they confirmed the statements 
made previously by Mr. Poole, the substance of which is as 
follows : 

According to the personal opinion of the Allied Consuls, 
there is no need to suppose that the political situation has been 
affected seriously by the departure of the Ambassadors from 
Vologda. 

The above-mentioned representatives of the Allies intend to 
remain in Moscow as long as conditions warrant it, and as long 
as they receive the proper privileges in accordance with their 
positions and, especially, as long as they can, without interfer- 

1 The Soviet Government had made repeated requests that the Allied 
Ambassadors should move to Moscow on the ground that Vologda was 
no longer safe and would soon be a center of counter-revolutionary fight- 
ing. This the Ambassadors refused to do, and went to Archangel instead. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 231 

ence, communicate with their Governments or, until they receive 
different instructions from their Governments. 



[102.] 

Message sent to Tchicherin by Ambassador Francis, 

July 25, igi8. 

{New York Times, August 13, 1918.) 

This reviewed the correspondence that had led to the removal 
to Archangel and continued: 

Your message expressing friendly feelings for the people I 
represent and the desire on your part to maintain relations with 
them is appreciated, but you will permit me to say that your 
treatment of me as their representative does not accord with 
such expressions. While I have refrained from interfering in 
the internal affairs of Russia, I have considered the Russian 
people were still our allies and have more than once appealed 
to them to unite with us in resisting the common enemy. I 
have, furthermore, recommended to my Government many 
times to send food to relieve the sufferings of the Russian people 
and to ship agricultural implements. 

A wireless message sent from Washington on July 10 and 
received at Moscow was delivered to me after last midnight 
— July 24. It stated that no message had been received from 
me of later date than June 24 except one sent through Archangel 
on July 7 advising of the killing of the German Ambassador ; ^ 
it furthermore stated the Department had cabled me often and 
fully. I have received no cable from my Government that was 
sent after July 3, except two wireless messages inquiring why 
they did not hear from me. I had cabled fully every day. 

Moreover, the press of Vologda, and doubtless the entire 
press of Russia, had received an order to print nothing from 
any Allied Ambassador or representative without first submit- 
ting the same to the Soviet Government. Some journals in 
Vologda and some in Petrograd did print your first telegram, 
inviting and ordering the Diplomatic Corps to come to Moscow, 
and our reply thereto; these were given to the press by myself 

1 Count von Mirbach was murdered on July 6, by members of the 
Social Revolutionary Party. 



232 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

and for the information of the Russian people, and because 
I thought secret diplomacy had been abolished in Russia. 

Upon hearing that the press was forbidden to publish further 
correspondence concerning our removal to Moscow, the Diplo- 
matic Corps decided to have printed in pamphlet form in Rus- 
sian the entire correspondence on the subject, together with some 
excerpts from the stenographic report of an interview between 
your representative, Radek, and myself. These pamphlets have 
been ready for delivery for two days past, but we are informed 
that the Central Soviet Committee or the extraordinary revolu- 
tionary staff of Vologda has prohibited the delivery of the same 
to us. 

Ambassador Francis then informed Tchicherin that all the 
Allied Ambassadors were acting in harmony and shared the same 
views. He continued: Your document states that Archangel is 
not a fit residence for Ambassadors in the event of a "siege." 
Do you expect a German siege of Archangel? Certainly you 
do not anticipate an Allied siege Ox that city. 

I can only repeat what I have said to you and to the Russian 
people many times, and that is, the Allies have nothing to fear 
from the Russian people, with whom they consider themselves 
still in alliance against the common enemy. Speaking for myself, 
I have no desire or intention of leaving Russia unless forced 
to do so and in such event my absence would be but temporary. 
I would not properly represent my Government or the sentiment 
of the American people if I should leave Russia at this time. 

The Allies have never recognized the Brest-Litovsk peace 
and it is becoming so burdensome to the Russian people that 
in my judgment the time is not far distant when they will turn 
upon Germany, and the repulsion of the enemy from the Russian 
borders will demonstrate what I have continuously believed, and 
that is the national spirit of great Russia is not dead, but has 
only been sleeping. 

[103.] 

Agreement between the Allies and the Murmansk Soviet, 
concluded July 17, 19 18. 

(British Daily Review of the Foreign Press.) 

The following is transmitted through the wireless stations of 
the Russian Government (July 29) : 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 233 

The General Assembly of the Murman Regional Soviet has 
sanctioned without opposition the following agreement, which 
is temporary in character and made necessary by special circum- 
stances, between the representatives of Great Britain, the United 
States of North America and France, and the Presidium of the 
Murman Regional Council. 

Item 1. The present agreement, which ha^ to be sanctioned 
by the Governments of the Allies, is concluded between the 
representatives of Great Britain, the United States of North 
America and France on the one side, and the representative of 
the Murman Regional Council on the other side, with the object 
of securing co-ordinated action on the part of those who have 
signed this agreement for the defense of the Murman region 
against the Powers of the German Coalition. For the purpose of 
obtaining this aim, both the signing parties take upon them- 
selves the obligation to support each other mutually. 

Item 2. The Murman region is composed of the former 
Alexandrovsk district of the Province of Archangelsk. 

Item 3. All detachments of Russian armed forces of the 
Murman region, alike those which already exist and those which 
will be formed, will be under the direction of the Russian Mili- 
tary Command appointed by the Murman Regional Soviet. 
(Remark: It is recognized as very desirable that an independent 
Russian Army should be created, but with the object of obtain- 
ing more speedily the principal aim of this agreement the 
admission of Russian volunteers into the Allied forces is per- 
mitted. In the case of such admissions, it is to be taken as rec- 
ognized that of these volunteers no independent Russian detach- 
ments shall be formed, but that, as far as circumstances permit, 
the detachments should be composed only of an equal number 
of foreigners and Russians.) 

Item 4. The representatives of Great Britain, the United 
States of North America, and France will give to the Russian 
Command necessary help in equipments, supplies, and trans- 
ports and for the instruction of the Russian armed forces which 
are formed. 

Item 5. The whole authority in the internal administration 
of the region belongs without qualification to the Murman 
Regional Soviet. 

Item 6. The representatives of Great Britain, the United 
States of North America, and France, and their agents will not 
interfere in the home affairs of the region. In all matters in 



234 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

which it may be found necessary to have the support of the 
local population, the representatives of Great Britain, the 
United States of North America and France, and their agents 
will address themselves to the respective Russian authorities 
and not directly to the population, excepting in the belt along 
the front, in which the orders of the military command, justified 
by the conditions of field service, must be obeyed unconditionally 
by all. The conditions for entrance into and departure from 
the Murman region will be determined by the Murman Regional 
Soviet, which will take into consideration the state of war in 
which the region is involved and the necessity for mast energetic 
precaution against espionage. Salaries and the standard of 
labor productivity will be established by the Murman Regional 
Soviet. 

Item 7. In view of the impossibility of importing the neces- 
sary food from Russia, the representatives of Great Britain, the 
United States of North America, and France promise, as far as 
it shall be possible, to secure food to the Murman Regional 
Soviet for the whole population of the region, including all 
immigrant workmen with their families, the rations to equal in 
food value the rations which the privates of the Allied armed 
forces in Murman are receiving. 

Item 8. The distribution of food among the population is 
to be carried out by trustworthy Russian troops. 

Item 9. The representatives of Great Britain, the United 
States of North America, and France promise to secure, as far 
as may be possible, the importation of manufactured goods and 
other articles of the first necessity. 

Item 10. The representatives of Great Britain, the United 
States of North America, and France promise as far as it may 
be possible to secure to the Murman Regional Soviet all neces- 
sary materials and implements for technical equipment and 
supplies so that it may carry out its program of construction 
which has been elaborated by mutual agreement. In this agree- 
ment first, the requirements of wartime are taken into consid- 
eration; secondly, the development of international trade inter- 
course ; and thirdly, the local fisheries. 

Item 11. All expenses which may be incurred by the Gov- 
ernments of Great Britain, the United States of North America 
and France as the result of this agreement are to be set down 
to the account of the respective Powers. 

Item 12. The representatives of Great Britain, the United 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 235 

States of North America and France recognize that their Gov- 
ernments must give the necessary financial assistance to the 
Murman Regional Soviet. 

Item 13. The present agreement comes into force from the 
moment of its ratification by the Murman Regional Soviet, and 
will remain in force as long as normal relations between the 
Russian Central Authority on the one side and the Murman 
Regional Soviet and the Governments of Great Britain, the 
United States of North America and France on the other side 
are not re-established. 

Item 14. Before signing this agreement, the representatives 
of Great Britain, the United States of North America and 
France in the name of their Governments again affirm the 
absence of any purpose of conquest in respect to the Murman 
region as a whole or in regard to any of its parts. The Presidium 
of the Murman Regional Soviet before the Russian people, and 
the Governments of Great Britain, the United States of North 
America, and France declares that the only object of this agree- 
ment is to guard the integrity of the Murman Region for a 
Great United Russia. 

The original of this agreement has been signed by the 
Presidium of the Murman Regional Soviet and by the repre- 
sentatives of the above-named Powers. 

The agreement was sanctioned by the Murman Regional 
Soviet on July 17th. 



[104.] 

Statement issued by the Czechoslovak National Council at 
Washington, July 27, 1918. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 2, p. 468.) 

There have been so many promising campaigns started in 
Russia during the last year of which nothing more is heard, that 
the people in this country watch with a certain lack of confi- 
dence the successes of the Czechoslovak forces in Siberia and 
Eastern European Russia. 

Will they be permanent or will they come to nothing, as did 
the ill-fated campaigns of Komiloff, the Don Cossacks, the 
various Siberian governments and many others? Can the 
Czechoslovaks stand their ground, a hundred thousand men 



236 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

among a hundred million, and are they not themselves talking 
about withdrawing from Russia? 

It is, of course, well known that the Czechoslovaks are not 
Russians; that they are a well organized and thoroughly disci- 
plined force recruited from former Austrian soldiers of the 
Bohemian and Slovak races, who surrendered to the Russians. 
The Czechoslovak Army in Russia was created in order to fight 
the Germans and the Austrians, and when Russia deserted the 
cause of the Allies arrangements were made by Professor T. G. 
Masaryk, President of the Czechoslovak National Council, and 
by virtue of that Commander-in-Chief of the Czechoslovak 
forces, with the allied representatives in Russia and also with 
the Bolsheviks to march the Czechoslovaks out of Russia and 
take them to the western front. 

It should be kept clearly in mind that occupation of Russian 
territory or the restoration of an eastern front was not thought 
of when these arrangements were made, in February, 1918. It 
was due to one of those German blunders, like the one that 
brought America into the war, that the Czechoslovaks, instead 
of withdrawing from Russia, are now in control of Siberia and 
of considerable territory west of the Urals. 

Under pressure of Austrian and German demands Trotsky 
tried to disarm the Czechoslovaks and put them in prison camps, 
with a view of turning them over to the Austrian authorities. 
The Czechoslovaks, being attacked, had to defend themselves, 
and as a result found themselves in control of the greatest por- 
tion of the Trans-Siberian Railroad and the Volga River. They 
were like Saul, who went to seek his father's asses and found 
a kingdom. 

Professor Masaryk was by this time in America, and the 
Czechoslovak leaders, under the changed conditions, hesitated 
as to their own course of action. The only orders they had were 
to take their forces to the Pacific. They had no desire to play 
policemen in Russia, and they realized that their position could 
not be indefinitely sustained unless they were assured of a 
steady flow of supplies. And yet the unparalleled strategic 
opportunities which their position gave them made a strong 
appeal to their imagination. This seems evident from the fact 
that, instead of withdrawing from European Russia, they occu- 
pied more cities on the Volga, stretching out their detachments 
in the direction of the Murman Coast. 

A week ago Professor Masaryk received a lengthy cable re- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 237 

port from the leader of the Czechoslovak forces in which the 
following words are found indicative of the present desires of 
these men: 

**In our opinion it is most desirable and also possible to 
reconstruct a Russia-Germany front in the east. We ask for 
instructions as to whether we should leave for France or 
whether we should stay here to fight in Russia by the side of 
the Allies and of Russia. The health and spirit of our troops 
are excellent." 

Professor Masaryk has since then instructed the forces in 
Siberia to remain there for the present. The question, however, 
of staying in Russia or getting out does not depend on the 
Czechoslovaks alone. That is something which must be decided 
by the Allies. The Czechoslovak Army is one of the allied 
armies, and it is as much under the orders of the Versailles 
War Council as the French or American Army. No doubt the 
Czechoslovak boys in Russia are anxious to avoid participation 
in a possible civil war in Russia, but they realize at the same 
time that by staying where they are they may be able to render 
far greater services, both to Russia and the allied cause, than if 
they were transported to France. They are at the orders of the 
Supreme War Council of the Allies. 



[105.] 

Official Announcement issued at Washington, 
August 3, 1918. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 2, p. 465.) 

In the judgment of the Government of the United States 
a judgment arrived at after repeated and very searching con- 
sideration of the whole situation — military intervention in 
Russia would be more likely to add to the present sad confusion 
there than to cure it, and would injure Russia, rather than help 
her out of her distresses. Such military intervention as has 
been most frequently proposed, even supposing it to be effica- 
cious in its immediate object of delivering an attack upon Ger- 
many from the east, would, in its judgment, be more likely to 
turn out to be merely a method of making use of Russia than 
to be a method of serving her. Her people, if they profited by 
it at all, could not profit by it in time to deliver them from 



238 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

their present desperate difficulties, and their substance would 
meantime be used to maintain foreign armies, not to reconstitute 
their own or to feed their own men, women, and children. We 
are bending all our energies now to the purpose, the resolute 
and confident purpose, of winning on the western front, and it 
would, in the judgment of the Government of the United States, 
be most unwise to divide or dissipate our forces. 

As the Government of the United States sees the present 
circumstances, therefore, military action is admissible in Russia 
now only to render such protection and help as is possible to 
the Czechoslovaks against the armed Austrian and German pris- 
oners who are attacking them, and to steady any efforts at self- 
government or self-defense in which the Russians themselves 
may be willing to accept assistance. Whether from Vladivostok 
or from Murmansk and Archangel, the only present object for 
which American troops will be employed will be to guard mili- 
tary stores which may subsequently be needed by Russian forces 
and to render such aid as may be acceptable to the Russians 
in the organization of their own self-defense. 

With such objects in view, the Government of the United 
States is now co-operating with the Governments of France and 
Great Britain in the neighborhood of Murmansk and Archangel. 
The United States and Japan are the only powers which are just 
now in a position to act in Siberia in sufficient force to accom- 
plish even such modest objects as those that have been outlined. 
The Government of the United States has, therefore, proposed 
to the Government of Japan that each of the two Governments 
send a force of a few thousand men to Vladivostok, with the 
purpose of co-operating as a single force in the occupation of 
Vladivostok and in safeguarding, as far as it may be, the country 
to the rear of the westward-moving Czechoslovaks, and the Japa- 
nese Government has consented. 

In taking this action the Government of the United States 
wishes to announce to the people of Russia in the most public 
and solemn manner that it contemplates no interference with 
the political sovereignty of Russia, no intervention in her 
internal affairs — not even in the local affairs of the limited areas 
which her military force may be obliged to occupy — and no 
impairment of her territorial integrity, either now or hereafter, 
but that what we are about to do has as its single and only 
object the rendering of such aid as shall be acceptable to the 
Russian people themselves in their endeavors to regain control 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 239 

of their own affairs, their own territory, and their own destiny. 
The Japanese Government, it is understood, will issue a similar 
assurance. 

These plans and purposes of the Government of the United 
States have been communicated to the Governments of Great 
Britain, France, and Italy, and those Governments have advised 
the Department of State that they assent to them in principle. 
No conclusion that the Government of the United States has 
arrived at in this important matter is intended, however, as an 
effort to restrict the actions or interfere with the independent 
judgment of the Governments with which we are now associated 
in the war. 

It is also the hope and purpose of the Government of the 
United States to take advantage of the earliest opportunity to 
send to Siberia a commission of merchants, agricultural experts, 
labor advisers, Red Cross representatives, and agents of the 
Young Men 's Christian Association accustomed to organizing the 
best methods of spreading useful information and rendering edu- 
cational help of a modest kind in order in some systematic way 
to relieve the immediate economic necessities of the people there 
in every way for which an opportunity may open. The execution 
of this plan will follow and will not be permitted to embarrass 
the military assistance rendered to the Czechoslovaks. 

It is the hope and expectation of the Government of the 
United States that the Governments with which it is associated 
will, wherever necessary or possible, lend their active aid in the 
execution of these military and economic plans. 



[io6.] 

Declaration by the Japanese Government, August 3, 1918. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 2, p. 466.) 

The Japanese Government, actuated by sentiments of sin- 
cere friendship toward the Russian people, have always enter- 
tained most sanguine hopes of the speedy re-establishment of 
order in Russia and of the healthy, untrammeled development 
of her national life. 

Abundant proof, however, is now afforded that the Central 
European Empires, taking advantage of the defenseless and 
chaotic condition in which Russia has momentarily been placed, 



240 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

are consolidating their hold on that country and are steadily 
extending their activities to Russia's eastern possessions. They 
have persistently interfered with the passage of Czechoslovak 
troops through Siberia. In the forces now opposing these valiant 
troops German and Austro-Hungarian prisoners are freely en- 
listed, and they practically assume a position of command. 

The Czechoslovak troops, aspiring to secure a free and inde- 
pendent existence for their race and loyally espousing the com- 
mon cause of the Allies, justly command every sympathy and 
consideration from the co-belligerents, to whom their destiny is 
a matter of deep and abiding concern. 

In the presence of the danger to which the Czechoslovak 
troops actually are exposed in Siberia at the hands of the Ger- 
mans and Austro-Hungarians, the Allies have naturally felt 
themselves unable to view with indifference the untoward course 
of events, and a certain number of their troops already have 
been ordered to proceed to Vladivostok. 

The Government of the United States, equally sensible of 
the gravity of the situation, recently approached the Japanese 
Government with proposals for the early dispatch of troops to 
relieve the pressure weighing upon the Czechoslovak forces. The 
Japanese Government, being anxious to fall in with the desire of 
the American Government, have decided to proceed at once to 
make disposition of suitable forces for the proposed mission, and 
a certain number of these troops will be sent forthwith to 
Vladivostok. 

In adopting this course, the Japanese Government remain 
constant in their desire to promote relations of enduring friend- 
ship, and they reaffirm their avowed policy of respecting the ter- 
ritorial integrity of Russia, and of abstaining from all interfer- 
ence in her internal politics. They further declare that upon 
the realization of the objects above indicated they will immedi- 
ately withdraw all Japanese troops from Russian territory, and 
will leave wholly unimpaired the sovereignty of Russia in all its 
phases, whether political or military. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 241 



[107.] 

Statement issued by the Russian Embassy at Washington, 

August 5, 1918. 

(New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 2, p. 467.) 

Direct and authoritative information has been received by 
the Russian Embassy concerning the program and intentions of 
the groups which have newly revealed themselves in Siberia, and 
which without bloodshed or violence have succeeded the Soviets, 
the latter having disappeared naturally by the very fact of the 
valiant Czechoslovak troops liberating different cities and re- 
gions of Russia. It appears at present that the group in Vladi- 
vostok, known under the title of ' ' The Siberian Temporary Gov- 
ernment," is closely united and, in fact, does not differ in any 
way from the authorities established in Omsk, which seem to 
be but a part of the same Government. 

The United Siberian Government states that it was elected 
on the 26th of January, 1916, by the members of a regional 
Siberian Duma — representative assembly. The point where this 
Government has temporarily transferred its center is Vladivos- 
tok, the other members of it remaining at Omsk. A message 
from those at Omsk has just been received, stating that owing 
to combined efforts of the Czechoslovaks and the military organi- 
zations of the Siberian Government itself, the following cities 
have been liberated from the Bolsheviki: Marlinsk, Novo 
Nicolaievsk, Tomsk, Narime, Tobolsk, Bamaoul, Camipalatinsk, 
Carcaralinsk, Atchinski, and Crasnoiarsk. 

Everywhere the people belonging to different classes and 
political groups have manifested vivid interest and sympathy 
with the organization of their army, which is intended to re- 
establish, together with the Allies, a battlefront against Ger- 
many, and the formation of which is proceeding very success- 
fully. Their relations with the Czechoslovaks are brotherly. 

To that most valuable information the ** Temporary Govern- 
ment of Siberia" adds a public statement of its political aims, 
which are : The creation of a Russian Army, well disciplined, in 

1 Mr. BakhmeteflF still claimed to be the authorized diplomatic repre- 
sentative of Russia by virtue of credentials received from the Provisional 
Government, and the Embassy throughout this period was the center of 
activity in the United States for all the elements opposed to the Soviet 
Government. 



242 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

order to re-establish, in co-operation with the Allies, a battle- 
front against Germany. Siberia being an inseparable part of 
United Russia, the Temporary Government of Siberia believes 
it to be its first duty to safeguard, in the territory of Siberia, 
the interests of the whole of Russia, to recognize all the inter- 
national treaties and agreements of Russia with friendly nations 
which were in force until October 25, 1917, the moment of the 
Bolshevist uprising. 

The Siberian Government is tending to re-establish govern- 
ment and order in Siberia and to start the reconstruction of a 
unified Russia and the creation of a central all-Russian authority 
which would be generally recognized. 



[io8.] 

Proclamation by the Provisional Government of the Country 
of the North, August 7, igi8.^ 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 2, p. 471.) 

The power of the Bolsheviki is ended. Because of the treason 
to the country committed at Brest-Litovsk ; because of famine, 
the failure to recognize the rights and liberties of the country; 
because of pillaging, illegal shootings and constant arrests, the 
power of the so-called Soviet of traitors and criminals, is past. 
The representatives of the so-called people's Government have 
fled. 

At the present moment, in the interests of all Russia, we take 
upon ourselves the duty of governing the Country of the North. 

By this proclamation we inform the inhabitants that from 
to-day the power of government is confided to the Government 
of the Country of the North, which is composed of members of 
the Constituent Assembly and representatives of the Zemstvos 
of this district, which considers itself as the supreme authority 
from now on to hand over power immediately after Russia has 
chosen her government and as soon as there is a possibility of 

1 On August 3 an uprising in Archangel resulted in the overthrow of 
the Soviet. Under the protection of Allied troops, the Provisional Gov- 
ernment of the Country of the North was organized, having its head- 
quarters at Archangel. The new Government was composed of nine per- 
sona — all members of the Russian Constituent Assembly — and had Nicholas 
Tchaikovsky at its head. Early in September Tchaikovsky was tem- 
porarily overthrown by an attempted coup d'etat, but the Allied repre- 
sentatives insisted on his immediate restoration to power. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 243 

freely communicating with her. The aims of the Government 
are: 

1. Regeneration of Russia, the resumption of relations be- 
tween Russia and other Governments, and the organization of 
local power with the Government of the North. 

2. Defense of the region of the north and the whole nation 
against all territorial violation by Germany, Finland, and other 
enemies. 

3. Re-union with Russia of the peoples taken from her. 

4. Re-establishment of the two organs of the people, the 
Constituent Assembly, Municipal Dumas, and Zemstvos. 

5. Re-establishing legal order by the expressing of the will 
of the citizens and re-establishing political and religious liberty. 

6. The security of the rights of agricultural workers. 

7. Defense of the interests of labor in accordance with the 
political and economic interests of the north and the rest of 
Russia. 

8. Suppression of famine. 

The Government counts upon the Russian, American, and 
British peoples, as well as those of other nations, for aid in 
combating famine and relieving the financial situation. It is 
recognized that intervention by the Allies in Russians internal 
affairs is not directed against the interests of the people, and 
that the people will welcome the allied troops who have come 
to fight against the common enemy. 

The Government in making the present declaration, calls 
upon all the people to preserve calm and order. 



[109.] 

Declaration of the British Government to the Peoples of 
Russia, August 8, 1918.^ 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. VIII, Part 2, p. 472.) 

Your allies have not forgotten you. We remember all the 
services your heroic army rendered us in the early years of the 
war. We are coming as friends to help you save yourselves 
from dismemberment and destruction at the hands of Germany, 

1 Issued by British representatives at Vladivostok, Murmansk, and 
Archangel. 



244 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

which is trying to enslave your people and use the great re- 
sources of your country to its own ends. 

We wish to solemnly assure you that while our troops are 
entering Russia to assist you in your struggle against Germany, 
we shall not retain one foot of your territory. We deplore the 
civil war that divides you and the internal dissensions that 
facilitate Germany's plans of conquest. 

The destinies of Russia are in the hands of the Russian peo- 
ples. It is for them, and for them alone, to decide their form 
of government and to find a solution for their social problems. 

Peoples of Russia, your very existence as an independent 
nation are at stake. The liberties you have won in the revolu- 
tion are threatened with extinction by the iron hand of Ger- 
many. Rally around the banner of freedom and independence 
that we, who are still your allies, are raising in your midst, and 
secure the triumphs of those two great principles without which 
there can be no lasting peace or real liberty for the world. . . . 

We wish to aid in the development of the industrial and 
natural resources of your country, not with a view to exploiting 
them for our own benefit. We desire, too, to restore the ex- 
change of commodities, to stimulate agriculture, and to enable 
you to take your rightful place among the free nations of the 
world. Our one desire is to see Russia strong and free, and 
then to retire to watch the Russian people work out their own 
destinies. 

[no.] 

Address by Ambassador Francis to the Russian People, 

August 9, 1918. 

(Approved and Signed by the Diplomatic Corps.) 

As stated above, it was never our intention or desire to quit 
Russia and we have not done so. On our return to Archangel 
we find the city and the surrounding country under the new 
Government which had already explained to you its organiza- 
tion and its plan for the future. While considering you as allies 
against a common enemy of the Governments and the peoples 
whom we represent, we have no intention of interfering in your 
internal affairs. We hold to the belief that all civilized peoples 
have the right themselves to determine their own form of Gov- 
ernment. We have never recognized the Brest-Litovsk peace 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 245 

and so stated to you when it was signed and again when it was 
ratified by the Soviet Congress at Moscow, March seventeenth, 
and that position has been reported time and again, by your 
Government as well as by ourselves. We will never recommend 
to our Government the recognition of any Russian Government 
which has not a national character, which disregards Russia's 
solemn bonds of alliance and which observes the Brest-Litovsk 
treaty. 

We feel confident that the Allied Countries we represent 
could make our own peace terms with Germany at any time 
we would agree to leave Russia to the tender mercies of the 
Central Empires. Such a peace, however, if effected, would be 
temporary, as Germany after strengthening herself with the 
immeasurable resources and immense man power of Russia, 
prompted by her insatiable ambition to rule the world, would 
threaten the liberties of the peoples whose trust we hold. More- 
over, we not only sympathize with Russia in the difficulties she 
has encountered but we feel really grateful to her for her heroic 
struggle and the sacrifices she made and the timely assistance 
she gave the Allied cause in the beginning of this world struggle. 
If 3^ou have any doubt in your minds and hearts concerning 
the dominating spirit or the grasping selfishness of Germany you 
need only read the expressions of her rulers, of her military 
party, of her political leaders, of her clergy, and even of her 
socialists, to dispel such doubt. The Germans profess to believe 
that they are God's chosen agents not only for the subjugation 
of Russia but for all of the peoples of the entire world. When 
Germany brought on this world war her people were so imbued 
with their potentialities for success that they assumed a haughty 
and overbearing attitude toward all opponents. Within a few 
months a Minister of Foreign Affairs who dared to question the 
strength of Germany to settle this conquest by force of arms 
was compelled to resign. 

Surely you will not accept peace which had already dismem- 
bered your great country in whose record and achievement 
every Russian with National spirit cherished a pardonable pride. 
Indifference or luke-warmness or inaction on your part at this 
time will result in additional and still greater curtailments of 
your liberties and still greater encroachment on your territories 
by the Central Empires and will bring down on your memories 
the anathemas of your descendants. The defense of their coun- 
try is nevertheless a question between every Russian and his 



246 EUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

own conscience. The Allies leave it there with every confidence 
and have no intention of forcing any one to fight against their 
will. 

There can be no doubt about the outcome of this war. It 
will result in the absolute defeat of the Central Empires. The 
German dream of world power will be dissipated and even the 
Germans themselves will look back with humiliation upon the 
time when they indulged in such vanity and folly. This Allied 
victory will result in a lasting peace. There will be no longer 
any question as to a civilized people being dominated by a 
Foreign Power. The right of all people to dispose of them- 
selves is the main issue of this struggle and it will be settled 
and settled right before the Allied armies lay down their arms. 
Russia has a great future and the Governments and the people 
whom we represent will not permit that future to be clouded or 
impaired by German presumption. 

We expect to remain in Russia and to continue to represent 
the friendly sentiment of our countries toward you. Our Gov- 
ernments will recognize any form of Government you may adopt 
provided it is the choice of the entire people and provided fur- 
thermore it will offer resistance to our enemy who is your enemy 
also, and the enemy of all liberty loving people throughout the 
world. Russia has within borders more than sufficient products 
to feed and clothe her immense population, but if attributable 
to civil strife or ineffective transportation you are deprived of 
the necessities of life, we are willing and ready to divide our 
products with you, for the knowledge that you are suffering from 
hunger or nakedness would prevent our enjoyment of the mate- 
rial blessings of an all-wise providence. 



[III.] 

Note from Tchicherin to Dewitt C. Poole, Jr., American 
Consul, August 6, 191 8. 

{New York Times, August 15, 1918.) 

Dear Mr. Poole: 

At the time when Citizen Lenin, in a speech referring to 
the unjustifiable Anglo-French invasion, declared that the 
British and French were in fact at war with us and you came 
to ask whether peace or war existed between us and whether you 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 247 

were to remain with us, I replied that our people were still at 
peace with yours and that to enable you to continue acting as 
representative of the United States the same facilities would be 
granted you as heretofore. 

This possibility still holds good as far as we are concerned, 
inasmuch as the interruption of cable communication by way of 
the Murman coast is the work of Great Britain, not ours. As 
the only possibility of communicating with your Government we 
have placed our wireless station at your disposal. 

We therefore request you to inform your Government and 
peoples abroad that a completely unjustifiable attack and a pro- 
nounced act of violence is being committed upon us. We have 
done nothing to deserve such an attack. Our people want noth- 
ing but to live in peace and friendship with the masses and 
workers of all nations. Despite the existing state of peace 
Anglo-French armed forces have invaded our territory, taken 
our towns and villages by force, dissolved our workers' organi- 
zations, imprisoned their members and driven them from their 
homes without any reason possibly warranting these predatory 
acts. 

Without a declaration of war and without the existence of 
a state of war, hostilities are opened against us and our national 
property is pillaged. Toward us no justice is observed and no 
law acknowledged by those who sent these invading troops 
against us, for we are the first in the world to establish a gov- 
ernment for the oppressed poor. Barefaced robbery is held 
permissible against us. 

These people, who did not declare war against us, act like 
barbarians toward us, but we, who represent the oppressed poor, 
are no barbarians like these invaders. Our retaliation against 
those who shoot the members of our Soviets does not take the 
shape of similar acts against representatives of these govern- 
ments. The official Government representatives enjoy an im- 
munity which is refused by the latter 's official departments to 
our Soviet members. 

While we take this attitude toward the official representa- 
tives of Great Britain and France we take into consideration 
your own urgent request, because we regard you as the repre- 
sentative of a nation which, to use your own words, will under- 
take nothing against the Soviets if we retaliate with precau- 
tionary measures against the warlike measures directed against 
us. 



248 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

It is in pursuance of this that we intern the nationals of 
invading powers in concentration camps. We regard these na- 
tionals as civilian prisoners. We apply these precautionary 
measures only against the members of the property classes, who 
are our opponents. No such measures are taken against our 
natural allies, the workingmen of these same countries who 
happen to be here. The working classes of the whole world are 
our friends. 

Precisely at this moment we say to these countries whose 
armies proceed with open violence against us, and we call out 
to their peoples, ''Peace be to the homes of the poor!*' 

As you stated to us that your nation does not purpose to 
destroy the Soviets, we ask you now if you cannot tell us plainly 
what Great Britain wants with us. Is Great Britain's aim to 
destroy the most popular government the world has ever seen, 
namely, the councils of the poor and the peasants? Is her aim 
a counter-revolution? 

In view of the acts referred to by me I must assume that 
this is true. We must believe that her intention is to re-estabk 
the worst tyranny in the world, namely, the hated tsarisL 
Or does she contemplate seizing any special town or territory w 
can name? 

Remembering your kindness, I hope you will help us tQ 
elucidate these problems. 



[112.] 

Note from Tchicherin regarding the Departure from Russia 
of French and British, August 20, 191 8. 

(Izvestia, August 20, 1918.) 

People's Commissary, Tchicherin, has sent the following 
telegram to the Minister from the Netherlands in Petrograd: 

The offers which were made by us to the Governments oi 
the Allies through the Neutral consular corps and which we 
transmitted by radio to Mr. Lindley in Archangel, and which 
we made collectively in view of the fact that the representatives 
of the Allies stated that they will leave only collectively, consisf 
of the following: ^ 

The Allied citizens who have exercised diplomatic and con^ 
sular functions, will have the opportunity to leave Russia or 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 249 

condition that our representative, Litvinov,^ and all Russian 
citizens of official standing and with official commissions may 
return to Russia, and among them our agent in Christiania, 
Baitler, who was taken off a ship by the British and carried off 
by them while he was returning to Russia, and was on the way 
to Murmansk. 

The officers and soldiers of the French Military Mission will 
be able to leave Russia when France will give the opportunity 
to the Russian soldiers who remained in that country to return 
to Russia by all possible routes, with the assistance of the Inter- 
national Red Cross and three members of the Russian Red Cross, 
who for this purpose should receive permission to enter France. 

English and French citizens who were interned in Russia 
as civil prisoners as a means of protection and who are not 
criminals, will be liberated, and all others, except criminals, will 
remain at liberty on condition that no political repression against 
adherents of the Soviet Government should take place, either 
now or later, in the districts occupied by the Anglo-French and 
Czechoslovak troops, or in the Allied countries, and that all such 
measures which have already been introduced should be abol- 
ished. 

Allied citizens will be permitted to leave Russia in exchange 
for the right of Russian citizens to leave Allied countries, includ- 
ing all those who are in the ranks of the British Army. 

(signed) Tchicherin, 



["30 
Statement by Trotsky, August 23, 19 18. 

AN AMERICAN LIE 

{Izvestia, August 23, 1918.) 

From the People *s Commissarist of War and Marine, to 

all, all, all! 

When in April the Japanese landing was being prepared in 
Vladivostok, the general staff in Tokio sent by Allied cables 
a statement that the Siberian railroad was threatened by the 
Grerman and Austro-Hungarian war prisoners. I then sent to 

1 Maxim Litvinov, representative of the Soviet Government in London. 



250 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

the Siberian line from Moscow, American and British officers, 
who were obliged to confirm officially that all rumors with regard 
to the threatening of the Siberian railroad by war prisoners 
were nothing but silly inventions. ^ 

This fact is well known to the former Ambassador, Francis, 
and the former chief of the American Red Cross in Russia, 
Colonel Robins. 

Now when the intervention by the Allies has become an estab- 
lished fact, the American Government picks up the Japanese lie 
and attempts to hand it to the world in a warmed-up condition. 

According to the American statement, the intervention of the 
Allies is for the purpose of assisting the Czechoslovaks against 
the German and Austro-Hungarian war prisoners who are at- 
tacking them. The participation of these prisoners in the strug- 
gle against the Czechoslovaks is the most monstrous invention, 
as is the Japanese statement about the threat to the Siberian 
road from the Germans. 

It is true that among the Soviet troops there are a certain 
number of former war prisoners, revolutionary socialists, who 
became Russian citizens, who are ready to fight against any kind 
of imperialism, no matter on what side it is. It must be said, 
however, that the internationalist soldiers of the Soviet armj 
do not constitute more than 1/25 of the entire number of Soviel 
troops. , 

People's Commissary of War and Marine, ^ 
(signed) L. Tbotsky, 

["4.] 

Resolution adopted at a Meeting of the All-Russian Central 
Executive Committee on September 2, 19 18. 

{Izvestia, September 3, 1918.) 

The All-Russian Central Executive Committee expresses it* 
deep indignation regarding the hideous attempt of the agent 0,; 
the counter-revolution on the life of the leader of the working 
class and the peasant's poverty, Comrade Lenin, the mo^t 
prominent representative of contemporary revolutionary so 
cialism in the whole world.^ 

1 See Documents 74 and 75. 

2 On August 30 an attempt was made on Lenin's life in Moscov 
The following day Uritzki, Chairman of the Commission Extraordinary 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 251 

The All-Russian Central Executive Committee sends him its 
wishes for speedy recovery. This unheard of attempt on the life 
most valuable to the world's proletariat, was prepared by the 
treacherous agitation of the renegades of socialism, inspired by 
the BlacL' Hundred and paid for with the gold of Anglo-French 
imperialism. 

In the person of Comrade Lenin, the Russian counter-revolu- 

tj on, which is led by the party of the Right S. R. and the staff 

f General Alexeev, wanted to destroy the great victories of the 

)ctober revolution and to strike a heavy blow at the working 

lass. 

The All-Russian Central Executive Committee sincerely 
[elieves that the criminal attempts of the hirelings of the 
fourgeoisie will not bring confusion into the ranks of the revo- 
lutionary proletariat and will not weaken the struggle for the 
Establishment ot the socialist system and for the destruction of 
the counter-revolution. 

The All-Russian Central Executive Committee appeals to the 
laboring masses to strengthen their organizations. At the same 
time, the All-Russian ' Central Executive Committee gives a 
^solemn warning to all the serfs of the Russian and Allied 
bourgeoisie, warning them that for each attempt on the workers 
of the Soviet government and the upholders of the ideals of the 
socialist revolution, will be held responsible all the counter-revo- 
lutionists and all those that inspired them. To the White terror 
of the enemies of the Workers' and Peasants' Government, the 
workers and the peasants will reply by a mass Red terror against 
jthe bourgeoisie and its agents. 

for Combating the Counter Revolution was murdered in Petrograd. The 
Commission issued a decree proclaiming " measures of terror " and lajdng 
down that every person found with a weapon in his hands would be im- 
mediately executed, while persons agitating against the Soviet Grovern- 
(ment would be arrested and interned. During the next two weeks a num- 
■ber of British and French citizens were arrested. At the meeting of the 
i\ll-Russian Central Executive Committee which passed the above resolu- 
^tion, Tchicherin said in a speech that similar measures had not been 
fidopted towards American citizens, because, " although the Government 
pf the United States was compelled by its allies to agree to participation — 
ISO far nominal — in the intervention, its decision does not seem to us to be 
■final" ilzvestia, No. 189, September 3, 1918). 



i 



252 



RUSSIAN-AMBRICAN RELATIONS 



["5-] 
Official Statement by Soviet Governm^,.. 

{Izvestia, September 3, 1918.) 
THE CONSPIRACY OF AIXIED IMPERTATt.^o 

«pirlc^' wh^h It ptne?bf rrr^ ^'•^"•'^«*«<J t^e c, f 
head of which was the Chtf^nf ..^ n^'''^'''' diplomats, at t<*^ 
the IVench Consul GeLS'l&a'd 5" n1 ^™' ^^-^-^^f 
and others. The purpose of th! ^5 "''' ^«"«^«il Lavergl^t- 
capture of the CouncH of Peol 's r """'^ ^^ *° organize t%- 
nouncement of a militaiy dietator^hin """.f''"'' ^""^ ^^^ P^'^ 
be attained by bribing Soviet tSf '" '''''''°^^- ^his was tc^ 
. ^'^^ «Jit're organization which w«\ i„.-u 

Ki^n^tS-f -^ --tTrXape.^ ^aJ^L::;^ 

a ^^:^Mli:^:!:tZ^^^^ ^-d. that m ease of ^ 
published, this correspondence beTnl hT""'"'^''"'' '^'^^'^ be^ 
emment and the German Government I ^'? '^' ^"««'^» G^v-^ 
to be manufactured for the IreatTo" If t^ ^"'^'^ '''^'''^ ^"•< ^ 
for renewing the war with Gemany P'^P'" atmosphere > 

Chief of the British MissionTn Molcow M °r' 1^"^*"''« "^ the 
copies of these certificates are at prerenf • ^^f^'''' Several , 
special mvestigatiiig commission "" *''' '"^^ds of the*' 

of Loctf-Tat^n^SLt'^^^^^^^^^ ^-ds Of one 

-^ers Of soviet trooS ^^^0° XtS^Xd^^ ^> , 



ure 

angel 

of 



1 According to Izveafin +T, 

subsequent meetings T/fo •? ^^^ange matters (/^vesfS xi ,o ^'^^ com 
the wLle conspiracy to teer'^""" ^^^^^^^ o"t S'^h'/^J89), that ai ov 
P racy to the Government {Izveaiia, No. 206) ''° ^^'"^^«^^ ^^ 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 253 

At the secret headquarters of the conspirators an English- 
man was arrested, but after being brought to the special investi- 
gating commission, he said that he was the British diplomatic 
representative, Lockhart. After the identity of the arrested 
Lockhart had been established, he was immediately released. 

The investigation is being carried out energetically. 



[ii6.] 
Statement by Tchicherin, September 7, 1918. 

{Izvestia, September 7, 1918.) 

At the time when the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet 
Republic through neutral powers was carrying on negotiations 
with the Governments of England and France regarding the 
exchange of diplomatic representatives as well as army men and 
civilians, it was disclosed that military and diplomatic represen- 
tatives of England and France were taking advantage of 
their positions for the organization on the territory of the Rus- 
sian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic of conspiracies directed 
to the arrest of the Council of People's Commissaries with the 
aid of bribery and propaganda among military units, the blow- 
ing up of bridges and food warehouses and trains carrying food. 
The facts which are at the disposal of the Government and which 
have been partially published already in the statements of the 
Extraordinary Investigating Commission and the Commissaries 
of the Northern Commune, establish, beyond doubt, the fact that 
the threads of the conspiracy met in the hands of the Chief 
of the British Mission, Lockhart and his agents. It was also 
established that the building of the British Embassy at Petrograd 
was practically turned into a headquarters of conspirators. 
Under such conditions, while being very anxious to sincerely and 
fully observe diplomatic immunity and the rules of international 
relations, the Government of the Russian S. F. S. R. has denied 
the opportunity of freedom of action to people who came to 
Russia as diplomatic and military representatives and who place 
themselves practically in a position of conspirators against the 
government of our country. The Government of the R. S. F. S. R. 
has been compelled to create such conditions for people con- 
victed of conspiracies that they will be denied the opportunity 



254 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

to continue further activity — activity criminal from the point 
of view of international law. With the British and French 
troops advancing on the territory of the R. S. F. S. R. for 
the support of open rebellions against the Soviet power, and 
the diplomatic representatives of these powers creating an 
organization within Russia for the overturn of the State and 
the capture of power, the Government of R. S. F. S. R. was com- 
pelled to adopt the necessary measures of self-defense. All the 
interned representatives of the British and French bourgeoisie, 
among whom there is not a single workingman, will be immedi- 
ately released, as soon as Russian citizens in England and 
France and in the districts occupied by allied troops and 
Czechoslovaks are not subjected any longer to repression and 
persecution. English and French citizens will be given the op- 
portunity to leave immediately the territory of Russia, when 
the same opportunity is given to Russian citizens in England and 
France. French military officials will be given this opportunity 
as soon as Russian soldiers with the aid of the International and 
Russian Red Cross -will be returned from France. Diplomatic 
representatives of both sides, and among them the chief of the 
conspirators, Lockhart, will simultaneously be given the oppor- 
tunity to return to their countries. 

Now, after the Government of the Soviet Republic adopted 
the above decisions, we have received from the British Govern- 
ment a radio informing us of the arrest of Comrade Litvinov 
and his staff. This event serves as an additional confirma- 
tion of the correctness of our actions and justification of our 
expectations, when we refused to allow the departure of Lock- 
hart and his assistants from Russia before the departure of 
Comrade Litvinov from England. 

And in this British radio as well as the radio statement of 
the French Government which was received at the same time, 
it is stated that in case of further detention under guard of 
British and French citizens, those Governments threaten indi- 
vidual repressions against all prominent Bolsheviks who may fall 
into their hands. This is not news to us, as such repressions 
have taken place in the district occupied by the Allies, includ- 
ing the shooting of Soviet employees. "We adhere to our pre- 
vious proposition, to cease repression only in case such repres- 
sion is stopped on the side of the Allies, as we have already 
stated more than once. I repeat once more that the measures 
of precaution adopted by us concern exclusively the British and 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 255 

French bourgeoisies and that we will not touch a single work- 
ingman. 

People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 
(signed) Tchicherin. 



["7-] 

Note from the British Foreign Secretary to Tchicherin, 

September 6, igi8. 

{Izvestia, September 7, 1918.) 

We have received information that an outrageous attack was 
made on the British Embassy in Petrograd, that the contents 
were partially looted and partially destroyed and that Captain 
Cromie who attempted to defend the Embassy was killed and 
his body horribly mutilated. We demand immediate satisfac- 
tion and severe punishment of all those responsible and those 
who participated in this abominable outrage.^ 

If the Russian Soviet Government will not give complete 
satisfaction or if violence be used against British subjects, the 
British Government will consider every member of the Russian 
Government individually responsible and will take measures to 
insure that all the governments of civilized nations shall con- 
sider them outside the law, and that there shall be no asylum 
for them to go to. 

You have already been informed through Mr. Litvinov that 
His Majesty's Government was ready to do everything within 
its power for the immediate return of the representatives of 
Great Britain, and the representatives of the Russian Soviet Gov- 
ernment to their respective countries, and a guarantee was 
given that as soon as the British officials were permitted to 
cross the Russian-Finnish frontier, Mr. Litvinov and his staff 
would be permitted to leave immediately for Russia. We 
have received information now that on the 29th of August a 
decree was issued in accordance with which all British and 
French citizens between the age of 18 and 40 are subject to 
arrest and also that official representatives of Britain were ar- 
rested on the trumped up charge of conspiracy against the Soviet 
Government. 

His Majesty's Government in view of this considered it neces- 

iThi3 attack took place on August 31. 



256 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

sary to subject Mr. Litvinov and his assistants to preventive ar- 
rest until all British subjects are liberated and receive permission 
for unhindered passage to the Finnish frontier under guarantees 
of complete immunity/ 

(signed) Balfour, 

September 6, 1918. 



[ii8.] 

Note from American Government to all the Associated and 
Neutral Governments, September 21, igi8. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. IX, Part 1, p. 287.) 

This Government is in receipt of information from reliable 
sources revealing that the peaceable Russian citizens of Moscow, 
Petrograd, and other cities are suffering from an openly avowed 
campaign of mass terrorism and are subject to wholesale execu- 
tions. Thousands of persons have been shot without even a 
form of trial ; ill-administered prisons are filled beyond capacity, 
and every night scores of Russian citizens are recklessly put to 
death; and irresponsible bands are venting their brutal passions 
in the daily massacres of untold innocents. 

In view of the earnest desire of the people of the United 
States to befriend the Russian people and lend them all that is 
possible of assistance in their struggle to reconstruct their na- 
tion upon principles of democracy and self-government, and act- 
ing therefore solely in the interest of the Russian people them- 
selves, this Government feels that it cannot be silent or refrain 
from expressing its horror at this state of terrorism. Further- 
more, it believes that in order to check the further increase of 
the indiscriminate slaughter of Russian citizens all civilized 
nations should register their abhorrence of such barbarism. 

You will inquire, therefore, whether the Government to which 
you are accredited will be disposed to take some immediate 
action, which is entirely divorced from the atmosphere of bel- 
ligerency and the conduct of war, to impress upon the perpe- 
trators of these crimes the aversion with which civilization re- 
gards their present wanton acts. 

1 An agreement for exchange was finally arrived at and Litvinov left 
England September 25. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 257 



[119.] 

Appeal by the All-Russian Provisional Government^ to 
President Wilson, November 7, 1918. 

{New York Times Current History, Vol. IX, Part I, p. 503.) 

It is evident that the exit of Russia from the number of 
belligerents and the process of dismemberment which it is suf- 
fering has a deep influence on the fate of all the other countries. 
Furthermore, the problems of the future of Russia should be 
considered by Governments and nations of the universe as a 
problem of their own future. Russia will not perish. She is 
greatly suffering but not dead. Her national forces are regain- 
ing with remarkable quickness, and her effort to recover her 
unity and greatness will not cease until she attains this sublime 
aim. 

Moreover, the reconstruction of powerful and prosperous 
Russia presents itself as a condition necessary to the maintenance 
of order and international equilibrium. It is therefore that the 
new Provisional Government, into whose hands has been in- 
trusted the supreme power by the people of Russia, the regional 
Governments, the convention and committee of the members of 
the Constituent Assembly, the Zemstvos, and Municipalities 
addresses itself to the Allied Powers. It expects to receive 
their aid, and considers itself in the right to demand such help 
insistently. 

It is to the head of the great American Democracy, recog- 
nized apostle of peace and fraternity of the nations, that it 
makes its appeal. All aid already extended to Russia by the 
Allies would be in vain if the new help should arrive too late, 
or in insufficient quantity. Every hour of delay threatens 
with innumerable calamities Russia, the Allies, and other na- 
tions. 

1 On September 24 a new Government was set up at Ufa by a con- 
ference attended by many members of the Constituent Assembly and pre- 
sided over by Avskentiev, Social Revolutionary leader and former Minister 
of the Interior in the Kerensky Cabinet. It issued a manifesto to " Rus- 
sian Ambassadors throughout the world " and to the Allied Governments. 
Early in November a fusion took place between this All-Russian Govern- 
ment and the Siberian Government, forming a new All-Russian Provisional 
Government with its seat at Omsk. By a coup d'etat executed November 
18-19, the Directorate of Five was overthrown and Admiral Kolchak, Min- 
ister of War and Marine, proclaimed himself Supreme Ruler. 



258 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



[120.] 

Letter from the Russian Soviet Government to President 
Wilson, dated October 24, 1918. 

(Hearings on Bolshevik Propaganda before a Sub-committee of the Com- 
mittee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 65th Congress, 1919, 
p. 24.) 

To the President of the United States of North America, 

Mr. Woodrow Wilson. 
Mr, President: 

In your message of January 8th to the Congress of the 
United States of North America, in the sixth point, you spoke 
of your profound sympathy for Russia, which was then con- 
ducting, single handed, negotiations with the mighty German 
imperialism. Your program, you declared, demands the evacua- 
tion of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all ques- 
tions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest co-opera- 
tion of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her un- 
hampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent 
determination of her political development and national policy, 
and assure her a sincere welcome into the society of free nations 
under institutions of her own choosing; and more than a wel- 
come assistance of ^very kind that she may need and may her- 
self desire. And you added that *'the treatment accorded to her 
by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test 
of their good-will, of their comprehension of her needs as dis- 
tinguished from their own interests, of their intelligent and 
unselfish sympathy." 

The desperate struggle which we were waging at Brest- 
Litovsk against German imperialism apparently only intensified 
your sympathy for Soviet Russia, for you sent greetings to the 
Congress of the Soviets, which under the threat of a German 
offensive ratified the Brest peace of violence — greetings and 
assurances that Soviet Russia might count upon American help.^ 

Six months have passed since then, and the Russian people 
have had sufficient time to get actual tests of your Government's 
and your Allies' good-will, of their comprehension of the needs 
of the Russian people, of their intelligent unselfish sympathy. 
This attitude of your Government and of your Allies was shown 

1 See Document 65. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 259 

first of all in the conspiracy which was organized on Russian 
territory with the financial assistance of your French Allies and 
with the diplomatic co-operation of your Government as well — 
the conspiracy of the Czechoslovaks to whom your Government 
is furnishing every kind of assistance. 

For some time attempts had been made to create a pretext 
for a war between Russia and the United States of North 
America by spreading false stories to the effect that German 
war prisoners had seized the Siberian railway, but your own 
officers and after them Colonel Robins, the head of your Red 
Cross Mission, had been convinced that these allegations were 
absolutely false. The Czechoslovak conspiracy was organized 
under the slogan that unless these misled unfortunate people be 
protected, they would be surrendered to Germany and Austria; 
but you may find out, among other sources, from the open letter 
of Captain Sadoul, of the French Military Mission, how un- 
founded this charge is. The Czechoslovaks would have left 
Russia in the beginning of the year, had the French Govern- 
ment provided ships for them. For several months we have 
waited in vain that your Allies should provide the opportunity 
for the Czechoslovaks to leave. Evidently these Governments 
have very much preferred the presence of the Czechoslovaks in 
Russia — the results show for what object — to their departure 
for France and their participation in the fighting on the French 
frontier. The best proof of the real object of the Czechoslovak 
rebellion is the fact that although in control of the Siberian 
railway, the Czechoslovaks have not taken advantage of this to 
leave Russia, but by the order of the Entente Governments, 
whose directions they follow, have remained in Russia to become 
the mainstay of the Russian counter-revolution. Their counter- 
revolutionary mutiny which made impossible the transportation 
of grain and petroleum on the Volga, which cut off the Russian 
workers and peasants from the Siberian stores of grain and 
other materials and condemned them to starvation — this was the 
first experience of the workers and peasants of Russia with your 
Government and with your Allies after your promises of the 
beginning of the year. And then came another experience : an 
attack on North Russia by Allied troops, including American 
Iroops, their invasion of Russian territory without any cause and 
"^ithout a declaration of war, the occupation of Russian cities and 
Villages, executions of Soviet officials and other acts of violence 
against the peaceful population of Russia. 



260 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

You have promised, Mr. President, to co-operate with Russia 
in order to obtain for her an unhampered and unembarrassed 
opportunity for the independent determination of her political 
development and her national policy. Actually this co-operation 
took the form of an attempt of the Czechoslovak troops and 
later, in Archangel, Murmansk, and the Far East, of your own 
and your Allies* troops, to force the Russian people to submit 
to the rule of the oppressing and exploiting classes, whose 
dominion was overthrown by the workers and peasants of Russia 
in October, 1917. The revival of the Russian counter-revolution 
which has already become a corpse, attempts to restore by force 
its bloody domination over the Russian people — such was the 
experience of the Russian people, instead of co-operation for 
the unembarrassed expression of their will which you promised 
them, Mr. President, in your declarations. 

You have also, Mr. President, promised to the Russian peo- 
ple to assist them in their struggle for independence. Actuallj^ 
this is what has occurred : while the Russian people were fighting 
on the Southern front against the counter-revolution, which has 
betrayed them to German imperialism and was threatening their 
independence, while they were using all their energy to organize 
the defense of their territory against Germany at their Western 
frontiers, they were forced to move their troops to the East to 
oppose the Czechoslovaks who were bringing them slavery and 
oppression, and to the North — against your Allies and j^our own 
troops which had invaded their territory, and against the 
counter-revolutions organized by these troops. 

Mr. President, the acid test of the relations between the 
United States and Russia gave quite different results from those 
that might have been expected from your message to the Con- 
gress. But w^e have reason not to be altogether dissatisfied witl^ 
even these results, since the outrages of the counter-revolution 
in the East and North have shown the workers and peasants of. 
Russia the aims of the Russian counter-revolution, and of its 
foreign supporters, thereby creating among the Russian peopl 
an iron will to defend their liberty and the conquests of tl 
revolution, to defend the land that it has given to the peasani 
and the factories that it has given to the workers. The fall o 
Kazan, Symbyrsk, Syzran, and Samara should make it clear to 
you, Mr. President, what were the consequences for us of the 
actions which followed your promises of January 8th. Ou''\ 
trials helped to create a strongly united and disciplined Re ^ \ 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 261 

Army, which is daily growing stronger and more powerful and 
which is learning to defend the revolution. The attitude toward 
us, which was actually displayed by your Government and by 
your Allies could not destroy us; on the contrary, we are now 
stronger than we were a few months ago, and your present 
proposal of international negotiations for a general peace finds 
us alive and strong and in a position to give in the name of 
Russia our consent to join the negotiations. In your note to 
Germany you demand the evacuation of occupied territories as 
a condition which must precede the armistice during which 
peace negotiations shall begin. We are ready, IVIr. President, 
to conclude an armistice on these conditions, and we £isk you 
to notify us when you, Mr. President, and your Allies intend 
to remove troops from Murmansk, Archangel, and Siberia. You 
refuse to conclude an armistice, unless Germany will stop the 
outrages, pillaging, etc., during the evacuation of occupied ter- 
ritories. We allow ourselves therefore to draw the conclusion 
that you and your Allies will order the Czechoslovaks to return 
the part of our gold reserve fund which they seized in Kazan, 
that you will forbid them to continue as heretofore their acts 
of pillaging and outrage against the workers and peasants during 
their forced departure (for we will encourage their speedy de- 
parture, without waiting for your order). 

With regard to other peace terms, namely, that the Gov- 
ernments which would conclude peace must express the will of 
their people, you are aware that our Government fully satisfies 
this condition, our Government expresses the will of the Coun- 
cils of Workmen's, Peasants' and Red Army Deputies, repre- 
senting at least eighty per cent of the Russian people. This 
cannot, Mr. President, be said about your Government. But for 
the sake of humanity and peace we do not demand as a pre- 
requisite of general peace negotiations that all nations partici- 
pating in the negotiations shall be represented by Councils of 
People's Commissaries elected at a Congress of Councils of 
Workmen's, Peasants', and Soldiers' Deputies. We know that 
this form of Government will soon be the general form, and that 
precisely a general peace, when nations will no more be threat- 
ened with defeat, will leave them free to put an end to the sys- 
tem and the clique that forced upon mankind this universal 
slaughter, and which will, in spite of themselves, surely lead 
the tortured peoples to create Soviet Governments, which give 
exact expression to their will. 



262 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Agreeing to participate at present in negotiations with even 
such Governments as do not yet express the will of the people 
we would like on our part to j&nd out from you, Mr. President, 
in detail what is your conception of the League of Nations, 
which you propose as the crowning work of peace. You demand 
the independence of Poland, Serbia, Belgium, and freedom for 
the peoples of Austria-Hungary. You probably mean by this 
that the masses of the people must everywhere first become the 
masters of their own fate in order to unite afterwards in a 
league of free nations. But strangely enough, we do not find 
among your demands the liberation of Ireland, Egypt, or India, 
nor even the liberation of the Philippines, and we would be very 
sorry to learn that these people should be denied the opportunity 
to participate together with us, through their freely elected rep- 
resentatives, in the organization of the League of Nations. 

We would also, Mr. President, very much like to know, before 
the negotiations with regard to the formation of a League of 
Nations have begun, what is your conception of the solution 
of many economic questions which are essential for the cause of 
future peace. You do not mention the war expenditures — this 
unbearable burden, which the masses would have to carry, unless 
the League of Nations should renounce payments on the loans to 
the capitalists of all countries. You know as well as we, Mr. 
President, that this war is the outcome of the policies of all 
capitalistic nations, that the governments of all countries were 
continually piling up armaments, that the ruling groups of all 
civilized nations pursued a policy of annexations, and that it 
would, therefore, be extremely unjust if the masses, having paid 
for these policies with millions of lives and with economic ruin, 
should yet pay to those who are really responsible for the war 
a tribute for their policies which resulted in all these countless 
miseries. 

We propose, therefore, Mr. President, the annulment of the 
war loans as the basis of the League of Nations. As to the resto- 
ration of the countries that were laid waste by the war, we 
believe it is only just that all nations should aid for this pur- 
pose, the unfortunate Belgium, Poland, and Servia, and how- 
ever poor and ruined Russia seems to be, she is ready on her 
part to do everything she can to help these victims of the war, 
and she expects that American capital, which has not at all 
suffered from this war, and has even made billions in profits 
out of it, will do its part to help these peoples. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 263 

But the League of Nations should not only liquidate the 
present war, but also make impossible any wars in the future. 
You must be aware, Mr. President, that the capitalists of your 
country are planning to apply in the future the same policies 
of encroachment and of super profits in China and Siberia, and 
that, fearing competition from Japanese capitalists, they are 
preparing a military force to overcome the resistance which they 
meet from Japan. You are no doubt aware of similar plans of 
the capitalist ruling circles of other countries with regard to 
other territories and other peoples. Knowing this, you will have 
to agree with us that the factories, mines, and banks must not be 
left in the hands of private persons, who have always made use 
of the vast means of production created by the masses of the 
people to export products and capital to foreign countries in 
order to reap super profits in return for the benefits forced on 
them, their struggle for spoils resulting in imperialistic wars. 
We propose, therefore, Mr. President, that the League of Na- 
tions be based on the expropriation of the capitalists of all 
countries. In your country, Mr. President, the banks and the 
industries are in the hands of such a small group of capitalists 
that, as your personal friend. Colonel Robins, assured us, the 
arrest of twenty heads of capitalistic cliques and the transfer 
of the control, which by characteristic capitalistic methods they 
have come to possess, into the hands of the masses of the people 
is all that would be required to destroy the principal source of 
new wars. 

If you will agree to this, Mr. President — if the source of 
future wars will thus be destroyed, then there can be no doubt 
that it would be easy to remove all economic barriers and that 
all peoples, controlling their means of production, will be vitally 
interested in exchanging the things they do not need for the 
things they need. It will then be a question of an exchange of 
products between nations, each of which produces what it can 
best produce, and the League of Nations will be a league of 
mutual aid of the toiling masses. It will then be easy to reduce 
the armed forces to the limit necessary for the maintenance of 
internal safety. 

We know very well that the selfish capitalist class will at- 
tempt to create this internal menace, just as the Russian land- 
lords and capitalists are now attempting with the aid of Ameri- 
can, English, and French armed forces to take the factories 
from the workers and the land from the peasants. But, if the 



264 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

American workers, inspired by your idea of a League of Nations, 
will crush the resistance of the Russian capitalists, then neither 
the German nor any other capitalists will be a serious menace to 
the victorious working class, and it will then suffice, if every 
member of the commonwealth, working six hours in the factory, 
spends two hours daily for several months in learning the use 
of arms, so that the whole people will know how to overcome the 
internal menace. 

And so, Mr. President, though we have had experience with 
your promises, we nevertheless accept as a basis your proposals 
about peace and about a League of Nations, We have tried to 
develop them in order to avoid results which would contradict 
your promises, as was the case with your promise of assistance 
to Russia. We have tried to formulate with precision your 
proposals on the League of Nations in order that the League of 
Nations should not turn out to be a league of capitalists against 
the nations. Should you not agree with us, we have no objec- 
tion to an *'open discussion of your peace terms,'' as your first 
point of your peace program demands. If you will accept our 
proposals as a basis, we will easily agree on the details. 

But there is another possibility. We have had dealings with 
the President of the Archangel attack and the Siberian invasion 
and we have also had dealings with the President of the League 
of Nations Peace Program. Is not the first of these — the real 
President actually directing the policies of the American capi- 
talist government? Is not the American Government rather a 
Government of the American corporations, of the American in- 
dustrial, commercial, and railroad trusts, of the American banks 
— in short, a Government of the American capitalists ? And is it 
not possible that the proposals of this Government about the 
creation of a League of Nations will result in new chains for the 
peoples, in the organization of an International trust for the 
exploitation of the workers and the suppression of weak nations ? 
In this latter case, Mr. President, you will not be in a position 
to reply to our questions, and we will say to the workers of all 
countries: Beware! Millions of your brothers, thrown at each 
others throats by the bourgeoisie of all countries are still perish- 
ing on the battlefields and the capitalist leaders are already trying 
to come to an understanding for the purpose of suppressing with 
united forces those that remain alive, when they call to account 
the criminals who caused the war! 

However, Mr. President, since we do not at all desire to wage 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 265 

war against the United States, even though your Government 
has not yet been replaced by a Council of People 's Conmiissaries 
and your post is not yet taken by Eugene Debs, whom you have 
imprisoned; since we do not at all desire to wage war against 
England, even though the cabinet of Mr. Lloyd-George has not 
yet been replaced by a Council of People's Commissaries with 
MacLean at its head ; since we have no desire to wage war against 
France, even though the capitalist Government of Clemenceau 
has not yet been replaced by a workmen's Government of 
Merheim, just as we have concluded peace with the imperialist 
government of Germany, with Emperor Wilhelm at its head, 
whom you, Mr. President, hold in no greater esteem than we, the 
Workmen's and Peasants' Revolutionary Government hold you, 
we finally propose to you, Mr. President, that you take up with 
your Allies the following questions and give us precise and 
business-like replies: Do the Governments of the United States, 
England, and France intend to cease demanding the blood of 
the Russian people and lives of Russian citizens, if the Russian 
people will agree to pay them a ransom, such as a man who has 
been suddenly attacked pays to the one who attacked him? If 
60, just what tribute do the Governments of the United States, 
England, and France demand of the Russian people? Do they 
demand concessions, that the railways, mines, gold deposits, etc., 
shall be handed over to them on certain conditions, or do they 
demand territorial concessions, some part of Siberia or Cau- 
casia, or perhaps the Murmansk coast? 

We expect from you, Mr. President, that you will definitely 
state what you and your Allies demand, and also whether the 
allowance between your Government and the Governments of the 
other Entente powers is in the nature of a combination which 
could be compared with a corporation for drawing dividends 
from Russia, or does your Government and the other governments 
of the Entente powers have each separate and special demands, 
and what are they? Particularly are we interested to know 
the demands of your French Allies with regard to the three bil- 
lions of rubles which the Paris bankers loaned to the Govern- 
ment of the Czar — the oppressor of Russia and the enemy of his 
own people? And you, Mr. President, as well as your French 
Allies surely know that even if you and your Allies should suc- 
ceed in enslaving and covering with blood the whole territory 
of Russia — ^which will not be allowed by our heroic revolutionary 
Red Army — that even in that case the Russian people, worn out 



266 



RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



by the war and not having sufficient time to take advantage of 
the benefits of the Soviet rule to elevate their national economy, 
will be unable to pay to the French bankers the full tribute 
for the billions that were used by the Government of the Czar 
for purposes injurious to the people. Do your French Allies 
demand that a part of this tribute be paid in installments, and 
if so, what part, and do they anticipate that their claims will 
result in similar claims by other creditors of the infamous Gov- 
ernment of the Czar which has been overthrown by the Russian 
people? We can hardly think that your Government and your 
Allies are without a ready answer, when your and their troops 
are trying to advance on our territory with the evident object 
of seizing and enslaving our country. 

The Russian people through the People's Red Army, are 
guarding their territory and are bravely fighting against your 
invasion and against the attack of your Allies. But your Gov- 
ernment and the Governments of the other powers of the Entente 
undoubtedly have well prepared plans, for the sake of which 
you are shedding the blood of your soldiers. We expect that 
you will state your demands very clearly and definitely. Should 
we, however, be disappointed, should you fail to reply to our 
quite definite and precise questions, we will draw the only pos- 
sible conclusion — that we are justified in the assumption that 
your Government and the Governments of your Allies desire to 
get from the Russian people a tribute both in money and in 
natural resources of Russia, and territorial concessions as well. 
We will tell this to the Russian people as well as to the toiling 
masses of other countries, and the absence of a reply from you 
will serve for us as a silent reply. The Russian people wiU then 
understand that the demands of your Government and of the 
Governments of your Allies are so severe and vast that you do 
not even want to communicate them to the Russian Government. 

(signed) Tchicherin, 

People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, 



I 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 267 



[121.] 

Statement by Tchicherin to Provisional Czechoslovak 
Government, November i, 1918. 

(The New York Nation, November 30, 1918.) 

The Russian Workmen's and Peasants' Councils' Govern- 
ment, which represents large masses of the working population 
of Russia, and which in all its actions has always expressed its 
will to defend the interests of the laboring classes, this Rus- 
sian Government declares solemnly to the Provisional Govern- 
ment of the Czechoslovaks that never has it even entered into 
their minds to deliver the Czechoslovaks, who have found a 
refuge in Russia, over to Austro-Hungarians. This is a baseless 
affirmation on the part of the counter-revolutionary calumniators. 
At the beginning of this year the Councils' Government agreed 
with the French and English Governments as to permission 
for the Czechoslovaks in Russia to go to France; but months 
and months passed, and France, in spite of her promise, did not 
furnish the ships for transporting these Czechoslovaks. In the 
meantime, agents of the French and English capitalistic Gov- 
ernments led the Czechoslovaks into error, and subjected them 
to counter-revolutionary influences. They put at their head 
Russian reactionaries, agents of the infamous old Tsarist regime. 
All measures which the Councils' Government was forced to 
take against the Czechoslovaks were merely measures of legiti- 
mate defense against the counter-revolutionary movement, which 
aimed at the deposition of the people's authority in Russia. 
The many victories won by the Red Army of revolutionary work- 
men and peasants of Russia over the Czechoslovak detachments 
of White Guards prove that the Czechoslovak detachments are 
powerless to depose the revolutionary Government of Russian 
workmen and peasants. The Councils' Government, in spite of 
the success of its forces, has no other wish than to terminate 
this useless shedding of blood, and declares to the Provisional 
Government of the Czechoslovaks that it is ready to allow the 
Czechoslovaks to cross Russia as soon as they have laid down 
their arms, and to give them a complete guarantee as regards 
security for their return home. The Councils' Government 
wishes to enter into direct negotiation with the Provisional Gov- 
ernment of the Czechoslovaks, with a view to elaborating the 



268 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

conditions for the return home of those Czechosloval^ who 
are willing to go back to the territories which are now under 
the authority of the Czechoslovak Provisional Government of 
Prague. The Councils' Government will thank the Czecho- 
slovak Government for a reply. 

(signed) Tchicherin, 

People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs. 



[122.] 

Protest by Tchicherin against intervention, sent out by 
Wireleiss, December 2, 19 18. 

{Soviet Russia,^ December 13, 1919.) 

To the Governments of Great Britain, France, Italy, and the 
United States of America: 

The Government of the Russian Socialist Soviet Republic 
through which the great laboring masses themselves, the workers 
and the peasants are ruling, and which embodies their aspira- 
tion for the peaceful self-government of the toiling and produc- 
ing people, who have no quarrel with the toilers of any other 
country, has learned that a British fleet is moving in the Baltic 
Sea towards Russian shores, that the ships of the Entente coun- 
tries have been directed from Constantinople to the harbors 
of Crimea and the Southern Ukraine, and that the troops of 
those same countries have already crossed the borders of Bes- 
sarabia. The Russian Socialist Soviet Republic has never 
menaced or tried to invade the Entente countries; it only de- 
manded to be left in peace, to develop itself on the lines which 
its people have chosen for themselves, contenting itself with 
influencing, by word and by example, their toiling brothers of 
other countries, and not to be interfered with by the great mili- 
tary powers which were carrying on the world war. Without 
any provocation from the Russian side, without any reason and 
without any shade of justification for their action, the armies 
of the Entente countries last summer invaded the borders of 
the Russian Socialist Soviet Republic, occupying its towns, seiz- 
ing its villages and hamlets, ransacking the country and shoot- 
ing down its best sons, and trying to advance into the heart of 
Russia, to crush its independence, and to drown the emancipa- 

1 OflBcial Organ of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau in New York. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 269 

tion of its laboring masses in the blood of its defenders. The 
Entente troops were moved through the Far East for the support 
of the Czechoslovak and White Guards' counter-revolutionary 
mutinies, participating together with them in the mass mas- 
sacres of workers, of peasants, of fighters for freedom, which 
were their constant deeds. British and French officers took a 
leading part in all the movements against freedom in whatever 
part of Russia they were devised; they were the principal 
authors and instigators of the dark subterranean conspiracies 
which aimed at taking by surprise the Soviet Government 
through base treachery and briberies and overthrowing it 
through its nearest servants, which nevertheless proved them- 
selves to be incorruptible and faithful and turned to the dis- 
comfiture of the unmasked Entente plotters their treacherous 
attempts. After all these blows aimed at the liberty, at the life 
of the Russian laboring masses and of their popular Socialist 
Republic, the governments of the same Entente countries are 
now tightening their net against the ever-peaceful Russian 
Socialist Republic, which, far remote from any aggression 
against others, thinks only of defending itself against the ag- 
gressors. The plans of the Entente Governments are hidden in 
the dark. They have declared that their armed forces will pro- 
tect in those regions which had been occupied by the German 
armies, the same social order which these German armies had 
protected. The armed forces of the Entente countries are com- 
ing to these regions as the enemies of the great popular masses 
in order to give support to their exploiters and to keep upright 
the old social regime which these popular masses wish to over- 
throw. Numerous utterances of responsible statesmen of the 
Entente countries prove that the governments of these countries 
have further reaching views and directly aggressive intentions 
against the independence, the freedom and the popular govern- 
ment of the Socialist Republic of the Russian laboring masses. 
The Soviets of the Russian workers and peasants have called 
out the youth of the people to rally around the banners of the 
Socialist Republic and to defend it to the last drop of their 
blood. At the moment when the Entente armies are crossing 
the borders and the Entente fleets nearing the shores of what 
was previously the Russian Empire, the Government of the 
Soviet Republic protests once more solemnly before the great 
popular masses of the Entente countries, before the deluded 
soldiers and sailors of their fleets, before their toiling brothers 



\' 



270 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

all over the world, against this wanton aggression, against this 
act of sheer violence and brutal force, against this attempt to 
crush the liberty, the political and social life of the people of 
another country. The Russian Republic has offered peace to the 
Entente countries, but the governments of the latter have left 
this offer unanswered, their answer is the present new aggres- 
sion. The Socialist Soviet Republic is always ready, as before, 
to make peace; against attacks from without it relies upon its 
faithful and valiant Red Army; it makes responsible for the 
new bloodshed those who are coming to attack its borders and 
to continue their oppression in the occupied regions, and, with 
clear conscience, and pure intention, it answers the new menace 
of the governments of Great Britain, France, Italy, and the 
United States of America with this solemn protest. 

(signed) Tchicherin, 

The People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs. 
December 2, 1918. 

[123.] 
Appeal by Litvinov to President Wilson, December 24, 191 8. 

{Labor Leader.) "i- 
Mr. President: 

In addition to the general peace offer recently addressed by 
the Soviet Government to the Allies, I formally informed to-day 
the Stockholm Ministers of the United States and of the Allied 
countries that I am authorized to enter into negotiations for a 
peaceful settlement of all questions making for hostilities against 
Russia. The principles proclaimed by you as a possible basis 
for settling European questions, your avowed efforts and inten- 
tions of making the settlement conform to the demands of jus- 
tice and humanity, induce and justify me to send you this state- 
ment, inasmuch as most points of your peace program are 
included in the more extensive aspirations of the Russian work- 
ers and peasants, now rulers of their country. 

It was they who first proclaimed and actually granted to 
nations the right of self-determination, who suffered most sacri- 
fices in fighting Imperialism and militarism both at home and 
abroad, who dealt the severest blow to secret diplomacy. And 
it is partly for these innovations in politics that they have been, 

1 See also New York Nation, January 17, 1920. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 271 

fiercely attacked by the former ruling classes of Russia and 
their counterparts in other countries. To justify this attack a 
network of lies and calumnies has been woven round the activi- 
ties of the Soviets and forged documents put into circulation. 

Unfortunately, Allied statesmen accept all the monstrous ac- 
cusations against the Soviets at their face value, without taking 
the trouble to check them. Whilst agents of anti-Soviet parties 
are allowed and encouraged to move freely in Allied countries 
and disseminate untruth, representatives of the accused side 
have never been allowed to put fully their case and to answer 
the charges made against them. 

In fact, the chief aim of the Soviets is to secure for the toil- 
ing majority of the Russian people economic liberty, without 
which political liberty is of no avail to them. For eight months 
the Soviets endeavored to realize their aims by peaceful methods 
without resorting to violence, adhering to the abolition of capital 
punishment, which abolition had been part of their program. 
It was only when their adversaries, the minority of the Russian 
people, took to terroristic acts against popular members of the 
Government and invoked the help of foreign troops that the 
laboring masses were driven to acts of exasperation and gave 
vent to their wrath and bitter feelings against their former 
oppressors. 

For the Allied invasion of Russian territory not only com- 
pelled the Soviets against their own will to militarize the coun- 
try anew and to divert their energies and resources — so neces- 
sary to the economic reconstruction of Russia, exhausted by 
four years of war in the defense of the country — but also cut 
off the vital sources of foodstuffs and raw materials, exposing 
the population to most terrible privations, bordering on starva- 
tion. I wish to emphasize that the so-called "Red Terror" — 
which is grossly exaggerated and misrepresented abroad — was 
not the cause but the direct result and outcome of Allied inter- 
vention. 

The Russian workers and peasants fail to understand how 
foreign countries, which never dreamed of interfering with Rus- 
sian affairs when Tsarist barbarism and militarism ruled su- 
preme, and even supported that regime, can feel justified in 
interfering in Russia now, when the working people themselves, 
after decades of strenuous struggling and countless sacrifices, 
succeeded in taking power and the destiny of their country into 
their own hands, aiming at nothing but their own happiness and 



272 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

international brotherhood, constituting no menace to other 
nations. 

The Russian workers and peasants are determined to defend 
their dearly won power and liberties against invaders with all 
the means their vast country puts at their disposal, but mindful 
of the inevitable wanton loss of life and treasure on both sides, 
and wishing to avert the further ruining of Russia — which must 
result from the continuation of internal and external fighting 
— they are prepared to go to any length of concessions, as far 
as the real interests of their country are concerned, if they can 
secure thereby conditions enabling them to work out peacefully 
their social schemes. 

I understand that the question of relations with Russia is now 
engaging the attention of Allied statesmen. I venture, then, 
to submit to you, Mr. President, that there are now only two 
courses open to them. 

One is continued open or disguised intervention on the pres- 
ent or on a still larger scale, which means prolongation of war, 
further embitterment of the Russian masses, intensification of 
internal strife, unexampled bloodshed, and perhaps total exter- 
mination of the Russian bourgeoisie by the exasperated masses, 
final devastation of the country, and. in case of the interven- 
tionists after a long struggle obtaining their end, a White Terror 
eclipsing the atrocities of the Finnish White Guardists, the in- 
evitable introduction of a military dictatorship, and the restora- 
tion of the monarchy, leading to interminable revolutions and 
upheavals, and paralyzing the economic development of the coun- 
try for long decades. 

The other alternative, which I trust may commend itself to 
you, is impartially to weigh and investigate the one-sided accusa- 
tions against Soviet Russia, to come to an understanding with 
the Soviet Government, to withdraw the foreign troops from 
Russian territory, and to raise the economic blockade — soothing 
thereby the excited passions of the masses — to help Russia to 
regain her own sources of supply, and to give her technical ad- 
vice how to exploit her natural richness in the most effective way, 
for the benefit of all countries badly in need of foodstuffs and 
raw materials. 

The dictatorship of toilers and producers is not an aim in 
itself, but the means of building up a new social system under 
which useful work and equal rights would be provided for all 
citizens, irrespective of the class to which they had formerly 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 273 

belonged. One may believe in this ideal or not, but it surely 
gives no justification for sending foreign troops to fight against 
it, or for arming and supporting classes interested in the restora- 
tion of the old system of exploitation of man by man. 

I venture to appeal to your sense of justice and impartiality. 
I hope and trust, above all, that before deciding on any 
course of action you will give justice to the demand of avdiatur 
et altera pars. 

Maxim Litvinov, 
Late Representative for Great Britain 
of the Russian Federative Republic. 
Stockholm, December 24, 1918. 

[124.] 

Statement by M. Pichon, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
in the Chamber of Deputies, December 29, 19 18. 

**The inter-allied plan of action,'* said M. Clemenceau in 
a telegram of December 13, **is not of an offensive character, 
but it simply interdicts to the Bolsheviks access to the Ukraine 
regions, the Caucasus, and Western Siberia, v^hich are eco- 
nomically necessary to them for their endurance, and where 
the elements of Russian order are being organized. 

**It is then a question at first of constituting and maintain- 
ing a defensive front before these regions, and especially in 
Eastern Russia. If an offensive effort is necessary to reduce 
Bolshevism, it should be executed later by Russian forces. 
It is important that you succeed in making the Russians 
realize this necessity, and that our momentary protection has for 
its only aim to permit them to organize themselves and acquire 
a material superiority over their adversaries. 

*'Your military action should, then, be baaed on a defensive 
plan and on the employment of economic forces, with shortening 
of the front, until the Siberian army is organized and in- 
structed. *' 

And in a subsequent telegram, dated December 21, M. 
Clemenceau confirmed these instructions, saying: ''The plan of 
action of the Allies is to realize simultaneously the economic 
encirclement^ of the Bolsheviks and the organization of order 
by the Russian elements.'* 

iThe French "cordon sanitaire." 



274 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

The execution of this plan can be but slow and progressive, 
on account of reasons of effectives and the difficulties of trans- 
port. 

["5.] 

Letter from Litvinov and Vorovsky to Dr. Ludwig Meyer 
of Christiania: Semi-Official Statement with regard to 
Peace, January lo, 1919. 

(London Herald, February 22, 1919.) 

Stockholm, January 10, 1919. 
Dear Comrade: 

Referring to your letter of December 30, we very much 
regret to be unable to share your opinion as to the desirability 
and expediency at the present moment of a declaration by the 
Soviet Government containing the terms on which it would be 
prepared to conclude peace with the Allies. We feel sure that 
if the Allies, as the attacking party, formulate their demands, 
the Soviet Government will not fail to state clearly and 
in unmistakable terms to what extent these demands could be 
satisfied. So far the peace objects of the Allies, as regards Rus- 
sia, have never been made known to the Soviet Government, 
either directly or indirectly. Moreover, no reply whatever has 
been given to the many peace overtures made both by the Cen- 
tral Soviet Government and by their representatives abroad, 
although in the statement to President Wilson of December 24, 
the possible changes in the external and internal policy of the 
Soviets were clearly outlined. The Soviet Government and our- 
selves are therefore of the opinion that as long as the Allies 
continue to show no sign of their willingness to enter into some 
kind of formal or informal negotiations no useful purpose would 
be served by any further peace proposals or declarations on the 
part of Russia. However, we shall gladly recapitulate in this 
letter our views on the possible peace terms as we expressed them 
during our conversation of December 25. 

Lord Milner has recently declared one of the reasons of Allied 
intervention in Russia to be the protection of the so-called 
** Russian friends of the Allies,*' who may be exposed to reprisals 
in case the Soviet regime re-establishes itself in parts of Russia 
now occupied by the Allies. This apprehension should certainly 
not be in the way of an understanding with the Soviets, since 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 275 

the latter would be willing to give the Allies' friends the neces- 
sary guarantees for their safety and an amnesty for their past 
offenses. Irrespective of their line of policy in the past and of 
the social classes to which they previously belonged they would 
be given a fair chance of finding work within the Soviet System, 
according to their ability, education, and knowledge. It is our 
firm conviction that the discontinuance of foreign intervention 
would mean the cessation of civil war in Russia in its present 
form, and that there would be no necessity for any Press restric- 
tions. We believe that when Russia is allowed to work under 
more normal conditions and the whole population has adapted 
itself to the new social system, an insignificantly small and ever 
diminishing part of the population will find itself excluded from 
active citizenship. But until this can take place the Soviet Re- 
public must be allowed time and a fair chance to put into prac- 
tice its principles and show what it can do for the Russian 
people. 

With regard to Poland, Ukraine, and similar parts of the 
former Russian Empire it is and will be the policy of the Soviet 
Republic to abstain from any violation of the rights of these 
provinces to self-determination. The Soviet Republic must, 
however, at the same time insist on the non-interference with 
party or class strife in these provinces on the part of any other 
foreign powers. Pending a final settlement of the relations of 
these provinces with the Russian Republic, some arrangement 
should be secured regarding free railway, postal and telegraphic 
communication, exchange of goods, transit traffic, free use of 
ports, etc. 

Russia needs for her economic reconstruction and develop- 
ment all the technical skill, experience, and material support 
which can be obtained from other countries. For that purpose, 
should an understanding with the Allies be arrived at, the Soviet 
Government would be willing to reconsider some of its decrees 
affecting the financial obligations of Russia towards other coun- 
tries without infringing, however, the cardinal principles of its 
economic and financial policy. Special regard would be paid to 
the interests of small creditors abroad. 

The Russian Government, as such, while anxious to continue 
to proclaim to the whole world its general principles and to 
combat the widely spread campaign of lies and calumnies di- 
rected against Soviets and their work, would certainly desist 
from carrying on any propaganda in the Allied countries, which 



276 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

could be construed as interference with their internal affairs. 
In connection with this, we must emphasize that no such propa- 
ganda has ever been carried on by the Soviets in any foreign 
country, except, perhaps, Germany. 

The only demand the Soviet Republic has to put to the Allies 
is that they should discontinue all direct or indirect military- 
operations against Soviet Russia, all direct or indirect material 
assistance to Russian or other forces operating against the Soviet 
Government, and also every kind of economic warfare and boy- 
cott. 

These, as far as we remember, are the chief points touchy 
upon during our conversation. We believe these views to reflect 
those of our Government. 

You are entitled to make of this letter any use you may find 
expedient in the interest of peace between the countries con- 
cerned. 

Yours truly, 

Maxim Litvinov, 
Formerly Russian Representative in London. 

V. VOROVSKY, 

Russian Representative in Stockholm. 
To Ludvig Meyer, Esq., 

Advokat at the Supreme Court of Norway, 
Christiania. 



* rTC!6.] 

Documents referring to the plan for Allied Supervision of 
the Chinese Eastern and Trans-Siberian Railways. 

(State Department Russia/n Series, No. If, pp. 3, 4.) 

1. 

THE JAPANESE AMBASSADOR AT WASHINGTON TO THE ACTING 
SECRETARY OP STATE, JANUARY 15, 1919. 

(Note.) 
Sir: 

I have the honor to present to you, under instructions, a 
plan for the supervision of the Chinese Eastern and the Trans- 
Siberian Railways in the zone in which the allied forces are now 
operating and to request that you will be good enough to let me 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 277 

know whether it is acceptable to the Government of the United 
States. 

Accept, sir, the renewed assurances of my high consideration. 

K. ISHU. 



(Enclosure.) 
plian for the supervision of the chinese eastern and the 

TRANS-SIBERIAN RAILWAYS IN THE ZONE IN WHICH THE ALLIED 
MILITARY FORCES ARE NOW OPERATING. 

(1) The general supervision of the railways in the zone in 
which the Allied forces are now operating shall be exercised in a 
special inter-allied committee which shall consist of represen- 
tatives from each allied power having military forces in Siberia 
including Russia and the chairman of which shall be a Russian. 

The following boards shall be created to be placed under the 
control of the inter-allied committee: 

(a) A technical board consisting of railway experts of the 
nations having military forces in Siberia for the purpose of 
administering the technical and economic management of all 
railways in the said zone. 

(b) An allied military transportation board for the purpose 
of co-ordinating military transportation under instructions of 
the proper military authorities. 

(2) The protection of the railways shall be placed under the 
allied military forces. At the head of each railway shall remain 
a Russian manager or director with the powers conferred by the 
existing Russian law. 

(3) The technical board shall elect a president, to whom shall 
be entrusted the technical operation of railways. In matters of 
such technical operation the president may issue instructions to 
the Russian officials mentioned in the preceding clause. He may 
appoint assistants and inspectors in the service of the board 
chosen from among the nationals of powers having military 
forces in Siberia to be attached to the central office of the board 
and define their duties. He may assign, if necessary, corps of 
railways experts to more important stations. In his assign- 
ing railway experts to any of the stations, interests of re- 
spective allied powers in charge of such stations shall be taken 
into due consideration. He shall distribute work among the 
clerical staff of the board, whom he may appoint at his discretion. 



278 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

(4) The clerical staff of the inter-allied committee shall be 
appointed by the chairman of the committee, who shall have the 
right of distributing work among such employees as well as of 
dismissing them. 

(5) The present arrangement shall cease to be operative 
upon the withdrawal of foreign militarj^ forces from Siberia, 
and all the foreign railway experts appointed under this arrange- 
ment shall then be recalled forthwith. 

2. 

MEMORANDUM AGREED UPON BETWEEN THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR 
AT TOKIO AND THE JAPANESE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, 
JANUARY 9, 1919. 

First. That Viscount Uchida will forward the amended plan 
to Viscount Ishii with instructions to present it to the Depart- 
ment of State, and to explain that it is submitted with the 
understanding that Mr. Stevens be named as president (of the 
technical board). 

Second. That the inter-allied committee shall be composed 
of one representative of each of the following Governments: 
China, France, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Russia, and the 
United States, leaving question of Czecho-Slavs to be discussed. 

Third. That each of the above-named Governments shall 
select one technical railway expert for membership on the tech- 
nical board. 

Fourth. That Mr. Stevens' selection as president shall 
not prevent his selection as a member of the technical 
board. 

Fifth. That the Governments of Japan and the United States 
shall at once advise the above-named associated Governments of 
agreed plan, including the understanding in reference to the 
selection of Mr. Stevens, and request their adherence and cordial 
co-operation. 

Sixth. That this plan shall be interpreted as a sincere effort 
to join the Chinese Eastern and Trans-Siberian Railways in the 
interest of the Russian people with a view to their ultimate re- 
turn to those in interest without the impairing of any existing 
rights. 

Seventh. That in trusting to Mr. Stevens as president the 
technical operation of these railways it is understood the Govern- 
ment of Japan and the Government of the United States are 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 279 

both prepared to give him the authority and support which will 
be necessary to make his efforts effective. 

3. 

acting secretary of state to japanese ambassador at 
washington, february 10, 1919. 

(Note.) 
Excellency: 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note 
of January 15, 1919, with which you presented to me January 
16, 1919, under instruction from your Government, the plan 
of supervision of railways in the zone in which the allied 
forces are now operating in Siberia. I beg also to inform you 
that the memorandum handed by the American Ambassador at 
Tokio to Viscount Uchida, covering seven separate questions 
relating to the plan upon which the Ambassador and Viscount 
Uchida have reached a thorough understanding, as you men- 
tioned to me, confirms the understanding w^hich the department 
had already received from Ambassador Morris. 

In notifying you of the acceptance by this Government of 
the general plan which you have presented, with due reservation 
as to any financial responsibility which may be involved and 
which, it is suggested, shall be the subject of further discussion, 
I wish to express my gratification that our two Governments 
have reached a cordial and clear understanding upon a matter 
which so much concerns the welfare of Russia. I wish also to 
inform you that this Government approves the memorandum 
agreed to by your Government with the American Ambassador 
at Tokio. 

At the same time allow me to point out the clear under- 
standing which this Government has as to the interpretation 
to be placed upon the word ''interests'' in the next to the last 
sentence of section 3 of the plan for the supervision of the 
railways. The United States understands that the word 
''interests'* in this case is used as referring to the convenience 
of the respective allied powers and the United States, and not 
as implying any political or territorial rights or spheres of in- 
fluence. As is so clearly stated in the memorandum to which 
I have referred above, the plan is to be interpreted as a sincere 
effort to operate the Siberian railway system in the interest of 



280 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

the Russian people, and I am already aware of the sincere and 
friendly purpose which your Government has in furthering this 
intention. 

I may add that the American diplomatic representatives at 
London, Rome, Paris, and Peking are being instructed to-day 
to communicate formally to the Governments to which tliey are 
accredited our approval of the plan for the supervision of the 
railways and of the memorandum relating to the plan which 
have resulted from the negotiations between Viscount Uchida 
and the American ambassador at Tokio and to secure the ap- 
proval and support of the respective Governments concerned. 
They have also been instructed to communicate their action to 
their Japanese colleagues. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my highest 
consideration. 

Frank L. Polk. 

[127.] 

Reply by French Foreign Minister to the British Govern- 
ment's Suggestion with regard to Russia, January 5, 1919. 

(UHumamte, January 11, 1919.) 

On January 5, 1919, the British Embassy sent me a British 
proposition, which also was sent to Rome, "Washington, and 
Tokio, suggesting the sending of a message to the Government of 
the Soviets at Moscow, to the Governments of Admiral Kolchak 
at Omsk, General Denikin at Ekaterinodar, and Nicholas 
Tschaikovsky at Archangel, and also to all the other Govern- 
ments constituted by the different Russian nationalities. 

This message would invite all these Governments and all Rus- 
sian parties completely to cease hostilities, violence, and repri- 
sals and establish peace both among each other and with the 
neighboring States. This truce would be requested for the dura- 
tion of the Peace Conference, one of the ends of which is to 
re-establish peace in Russia ^nd the neighboring countries and 
bring the desired succor to the suffering populations. 

In case the various Russian Governments, including that of 
the Soviets, should comply with this invitation, they would be 
permitted to send delegates to the Peace Conference. 

"While rendering full homage to the generous spirit of uni- 
versal reconciliation with which the British Gkivernment was in- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 281 

spired in making this proposition, the French Government is 
unable to give its approval to such a suggestion, which fails to 
take into account the principles which have not failed to 
dominate its policy and that of the Powers in Russia. 

The criminal regime of the Bolsheviks which does not repre- 
sent in any degree that of a democratic Government, or furnish 
any possibility whatever of developing into a Government, since 
it is supported solely by the lowest passions of anarchial oppres- 
sion, in negation of all the principles of public and private 
right, cannot claim to be recognized as a regular Government. 

If the Allies were weak or imprudent enough to act thus, 
they would give the lie, in the first place, to the principles of 
justice and right which constitute their force and honor, and 
would give to the Bolshevik propaganda in the outside world a 
power and extension to which they would run the risk of being 
the first victims. The French Government, so far as it is con- 
cerned, will make no contract with crime. 

By agreeing to recognize the Bolshevik Government we should 
give the lie to the policy — which the Allies have not ceased to 
sustain in agreement — of furnishing at all accessible points of 
Russia all the aid and succor which it is possible to give to the 
healthy, faithful, honest elements of Russia, in order to help 
them escape from the bloody and disorderly tyranny of the Bol- 
sheviks and to reconstitute a regular Government by themselves. 

It may be added that, aside from the Bolsheviks, the Allies 
can perfectly well admit the different Russian nationalities to 
present their claims. As regards the dangers which the menace 
of the Red armies threaten them, we should not cease to supply 
arms and money and even military support compatible with 
our aims. 

Method and patience combined, together with the impossi- 
bility that any regime can last mthout a regular organization 
for maintaining provisioning, transport, order, credit, etc., will 
in the end overcome Russian internal anarchy. It may be pro- 
longed for a certain time, but it can in no case possibly triumph 
definitely, and we shall continue resolutely to refuse it any rec- 
ognition and to treat it as an enemy. 

S. PiCHON. 



282 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



[128.] 

Note from Tchicherin to the American State Department, 

January 12, 19 19. 

(New York Nation, January 17, 1920.) 

On behalf of M. Chicherin, People's Commissar for Foreign 
Affairs, I am sending you the following statement: 

A radio telegram from Washington, received via Lyons on 
the 12th of January, relates that a statement has been made by 
Senator Hitchcock, the Chairman of the Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee, about the causes for the sending of American troops to 
Russia. The principal cause is said to have been a desire to 
prevent the establishment of a German submarine base in 
Archangel. Whether there ever has been such a cause or not, it 
does not exist any more. 

In respect to the second alleged cause for the invasion, 
namely, that the intention was to safeguard Allied supplies in 
Archangel, I beg to remind you that even last year we had 
started negotiations for this purpose, and we are now still willing 
to enter into a satisfactory solution of this question. There can 
no longer be any danger of the supplies falling into Grerman 
hands. 

The third reason for the invasion was stated to be a desire 
to maintain an open way for diplomatic representatives traveling 
from and to Russia. I beg to call your attention to the fact 
that the best method to attain this aim would be to have an 
understanding with my Government. Mr. Francis, the American 
Ambassador, was quite free to return to his home and unhin- 
dered at the time he left Russia. Our only cause in asking him 
not to remain in Vologda was the great danger threatening his 
personal security, and we offered him particularly inviting 
quarters in or around Moscow. 

The fourth alleged ground for invasion is the protection of 
the Czecho-Slovaks. Yet there has never been any obstacle to 
reaching an understanding about this issue with my Govern- 
ment. We have officially offered the Czecho-Slovaks free pas- 
sage to their homeland through Russia on the condition that we 
should protect their safety. We have now reached a full under- 
standing on this matter with Professor Max, the President of 
the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Russia. He has returned 



DOCUMENTS AND, PAPERS 283 

to Bohemia in order to communicate our proposition to the 
Bohemian Government. 

Finally, Senator Hitchcock maintains that one reason for the 
invasion was to prevent the formation of any army composed 
of German and Austrian prisoners. The only now existing 
obstacle to the return of all war prisoners to their homelands 
is the presence of the Allied troops, or White Guards who are 
under the protection of the Allied troops. We therefore cannot 
understand why this should be a cause for a further maintenance 
of American troops in Russia. 

Judging from statements contained in the above-mentioned 
radio telegram, some prominent members of the principal po- 
litical party in the United States could not quite understand the 
reasons of Senator Hitchcock. They expressed their wish that 
American troops in Russia should be withdrawn as soon 
as possible. We share their wish to re-establish normal 
relations between the two countries, and we are ready to 
eliminate everything which may be an obstacle to such rela- 
tions. 

This is not the first time we are making an offer of this kind. 
In October we sent an offer of this character through the Nor- 
wegian Minister in Russia. A week later we made a similar 
offer through Mr. Christiansen, an attache of the Norwegian 
Legation, at the time of his leaving Moscow. On the 3rd of 
November we invited the representatives of the neutral countries 
in Moscow and asked them to deliver a written proposition to 
the Allies, with the view to entering into negotiations which 
would put an end to the struggles against Russia. On the 26th 
of November the All-Russian Congress of Soviets declared to 
the Allies, and to the whole world, that Russia was willing to 
enter into peace negotiations. On the 23rd of December our 
representative, M. Litvinov, communicated once more with the 
Allied Ambassadors in Stockholm the desire of the Russian Gov- 
ernment to reach a friendly settlement of all questions at issue. 
He also sent an appeal to President Wilson in London ; thus the 
responsibility for the fact that no agreement has been thus far 
reached does not lie with us. 

We have an opportunity to hear various American officers and 
soldiers express their astonishment at their being held in Russia, 
especially when we pointed out to such soldiers that the reason 
for their being in Russia seemed to be to put back on the shoul- 
ders of the Russian people the yoke which they have thrown off. 



284 RUSSIAN-AMEEICAN RELATIONS 

The results of these explanations of ours have not been unsatis- 
factory to our personal relations with these American citizens. 

We hope that the desire for peace expressed by the above 
mentioned Senator is shared by the entire American Govern- 
ment and that the American Government will kindly name a 
place and a time for opening of peace negotiations with our 
representatives. 

Chicherin, 
People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs. 

By Maxim Litvinov, 
Representative of the Russian Government in Stockholm. 



[129.] 

Notes on Conversations held in the Office of M. Pichon at 
the Quai d'Orsay, on January 16, 1919: preliminary dis- 
cussion regarding the Situation in Russia. 

(Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States 
Senate, 1919, Senate Doc. 106, p. 1235.) 

Mr. Lloyd George commenced his statement setting forth the 
information in the possession of the British Government regard- 
ing the Russian situation, by referring to the matter which had 
been exposed recently in L^Humanite. He stated that he wished 
to point out that there had been a serious misconception on the 
part of the French Government as to the character of the pro- 
posal of the British Government. The British proposal did not 
contemplate in any sense whatever, a recognition of the Bol- 
shevik Government, nor a suggestion that Bolshevik delegates be 
invited to attend the Conference. The British proposal was to 
invite all of the different governments now at war within what 
used to be the Russian Empire, to a truce of God, to stop repri- 
sals and outrages and to send men here to give, so to speak, 
an account of themselves. The Great Powers would then try 
to find a way to bring some order out of chaos. These men were 
not to be delegates to the Peace Conference, and he agreed with 
the French Government entirely that they should not be made 
members of the Conference. 

Mr. Lloyd George then proceeded to set forth briefly the 
reasons which had led the British Government to make this pro- 
posal. They were as follows: 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 285 

Firstly, the real facts are not known. 

Secondly, it is impossible to get the facts, the only way is to 
adjudicate the question; and 

Thirdly, conditions in Russia are very bad; there is general 
mis-government and starvation. It is not known who is obtain- 
ing the upper hand, but the hope that the Bolshevik Government 
would collapse had not been realized. In fact, there is one re- 
port that the Bolsheviks are stronger than ever, that their in- 
ternal position is strong, and that their hold on the people is 
stronger. Take, for instance, the case of the Ukraine. Some 
adventurer raises a few men and overthrows the Government. 
The Government is incapable of overthrowing him. It is also 
reported that the peasants are becoming Bolsheviks. It is hardly 
the business of the Great Powers to intervene either in lending 
financial support to one side or the other, or in sending muni- 
tions to either side. 

Mr. Lloyd George stated that there seemed to be three pos- 
sible policies: 

1. Military intervention. It is true that the Bolshevik 
movement is as dangerous to civilization as German militarism, 
but as to putting it down by the sword, is there any one who 
proposes it? It would mean holding a certain number of prov- 
inces in Russia. The Germans with one million men on their 
Eastern Front only held the fringe of this territory. If he now 
proposed to send a thousand British troops to Russia for that 
purpose, the armies would mutiny. The same applies to U. S. 
troops in Siberia; also to Canadians and French as well. The 
mere idea of crushing Bolshevism by a military force is pure 
madness. Even admitting that it is done, who is to occupy 
Russia ? No one can conceive or understand to bring about order 
by force. 

2. A cordon. The second suggestion is to besiege Bolshevik 
Russia. Mr. Lloyd George wondered if those present realized 
what this would mean. From the information furnished him 
Bolshevik Russia has no corn, but within this territory there are 
150,000,000 men, women, and children. There is now starvation 
in Petrograd and Moscow. This is not an health cordon, it is 
a death cordon. Moreover, as a matter of fact, the people who 
would die are just the people that the Allies desire to protect. 
It would not result in the starvation of the Bolsheviks ; it would 
simply mean the death of our friends. The cordon policy is a 
policy which, as humane people, those present could not consider. 



286 RUSSIAN AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Mr. Lloyd George asked who was there to overthrow the Bol- 
sheviks ? He had been told there were three men, Denikin, Kol- 
chak, and Knox. In considering the chances of these people to 
overthrow the Bolsheviks, he pointed out that he had received 
information that the Czecho-Slovaks now refused to fight; that 
the Russian Army was not to be trusted, and that while it was 
true that a Bolshevik Army had recently gone over to Kolchak 
it was never certain that just the reverse of this would not take 
place. If the Allies counted on any of these men, he believed 
they were building on quick-sand. He had heard a lot of talk 
about Denikin, but when he looked on the map he found that 
Denikin was occupying a little backyard near the Black Sea. 
Then he had been told that Denikin had recognized Kolchak, 
but when he looked on the map there was a great solid block of 
territory between Denikin and Kolchak. Moreover, from infor- 
mation received it would appear that Kolchak had been collecting 
members of the old regime around him, and would seem to be 
at heart a monarchist. It appeared that the Czecho-Slovaks 
were finding this out. The sympathies of the Czecho-Slovaks are 
very democratic, and they are not at all prepared to fight for 
the restoration of the old conditions in Russia. 

Mr. Lloyd George stated that he was informed that at the 
present time two-thirds of Bolshevik Russia was starving. 

Institutions of Bolsheviks are institutions of old Czarist 
regime. This is not what one would call creating a new 
world. 

3. The third alternative was contained in the British pro- 
posal, which was to summon these people to Paris to appear 
before those present somewhat in the way that the Roman Em- 
pire summoned chiefs of outlying tributary states to render an 
account of their actions. 

Mr. Lloyd George pointed out the fact that the argument 
might be used that there were already here certain representa- 
tives of these Governments; but take, for instance, the case of 
Sazonoff, who claims to represent the Government of Omsk. As 
a matter of fact, Sazonoff cannot speak from personal observa- 
tion. He is nothing but a partisan, like all the rest. He has 
never been in contact, and is not now in direct contact with 
the Government at Omsk. 

It would be manifestly absurd for those who are responsible 
for bringing about the Peace Conference, to come to any agree- 
ment and leave Paris when one-half of Europe and one-half of 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 287 

Asia is still in flames. Those present must settle this question 
or make fools of themselves. 

Mr. Lloyd George referred to the objection that had been 
raised to permitting Bolshevik delegates to come to Paris. It 
had been claimed that they would convert France and England 
to Bolshevism. If England becomes Bolshevist, it will not be 
because a single Bolshevist representative is permitted to enter 
England. On the other hand, if a military enterprise were 
started against the Bolsheviks, that would make England Bol- 
shevist, and there would be a Soviet in London. For his part, 
Mr. Lloyd George was not afraid of Bolshevism if the facts are 
known in England and the United States. The same applied 
to Germany. He was convinced that an educated democracy 
can be always trusted to turn down Bolshevism. 

Under all circumstances, Mr. Lloyd George saw no better 
way out than to follow the third alternative. Let the Great 
Powers impose their conditions and summon these people to 
Paris to give an account of themselves to the Great Powers, not 
to the Peace Conference. 

M. Pichon suggested that it might be well to ask M. Noulens, 
the French Ambassador to Russia, w^ho had just returned to 
France, to appear before the meeting to-morrow morning, and 
give those present his views on the Russian situation. 

President Wilson stated that he did not see how it was pos- 
sible to controvert the statement of Mr. Lloyd George. He 
thought that there was a force behind this discussion which was 
no doubt in his mind, but which it might be desirable to bring 
out a little more definitely. He did not believe that there would 
be sympathy anywhere with the brutal aspect of Bolshevism, 
if it were not for the fact of the domination of large vested 
interests in the political and economic world. While it might 
be true that this evil was in process of discussion and slow re- 
form, it must be admitted, that the general body of men have 
grown impatient at the failure to bring about the necessary re- 
form. He stated that there were many men who represented 
large vested interests in the United States, who saw the necessity 
for these reforms and desired something which should be worked 
out at the Peace Conference, namely, the establishment of some 
machinery to provide for the opportunity of the individuals 
greater than the world has ever known. Capital and Labor in 
the United States are not friends. Still they are not enemies 
in the sense that they are thinking and resorting to physical 



288 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

force to settle their differences. But they are distrustful, each 
of the other. Society cannot go on that plane. On the one 
hand, there is a minority possessing capital and brains; on the 
other, a majority consisting of the great bodies of workers who 
are essential to the minority, but do not trust the minority, and 
feel that the minority will never render them their rights. A 
way must be found to put trust and co-operation between these 
two. 

President Wilson pointed out that the whole world was dis- 
turbed by this question before the Bolsheviks came into power. 
Seeds need soil, and the Bolshevik seeds found the soil already 
prepared for them. 

President Wilson stated that he would not be surprised to find 
that the reason why British and United States troops would 
not be ready to enter Russia to fight the Bolsheviks was explained 
by the fact that the troops were not at all sure that if they put 
down Bolshevism they would not bring about a re-establishment 
of the ancient order. For example, in making a speech recently, 
to a well-dressed audience in New York City who were not to be 
expected to show such feeling, Mr. Wilson had referred casually 
to Russia, stating that the United States would do its utmost to 
aid her oppressed people. The audience exhibited the greatest 
enthusiasm, and this had remained in the President's mind as 
an index to where the sympathies of the New World are. 

President Wilson believed that those present would be play- 
ing against the principle of the free spirit of the world if they 
did not give Russia a chance to find herself along the lines of 
utter freedom. He concurred with Mr. Lloyd George's view and 
supported his recommendations that the third line of procedure 
be adopted. 

President Wilson stated that he had also, like Mr. Lloyd 
George, received a memorandum from his experts which agreed 
substantially with the information which Mr. Lloyd George had 
received. There was one point which he thought particularly 
worthy of notice, and that was the report that the strength of 
the Bolshevik leaders lay in the argument that if they were not 
supported by the people of Russia, there would be foreign inter- 
vention, and the Bolsheviks were the only thing that stood be 
tween the Russians and foreign military control. It might well 
be that if the Bolsheviks were assured that they were safe from 
foreign aggression, they might lose support of their own move- 
ment. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 289 

President Wilson further stated that he understood that the 
danger of destruction of all hope in the Baltic provinces was 
immediate, and that it should be made very clear if the British 
proposal were adopted, that the Bolsheviks would have to with- 
draw entirely from Lithuania and Poland. If they would agree 
to this to refrain from reprisals and outrages, he, for his part, 
would be prepared to receive representatives from as many 
groups and centers of action, as chose to come, and endeavor to 
assist them to reach a solution of their problem. 

He thought that the British proposal contained the only sug- 
gestions that lead anywhere. It might lead nowhere. But this 
could at least be found out. 

M. Pichon referred again to the suggestion that Ambassador 
Noulens be called before the meeting. 

Mr. Balfour suggested that it might be well to call the Dutch 
Consul, lately in Petrograd, if it was the desire of those present 
to hear the anti-Bolshevik side. 

Baron Sonnino suggested that M. Scavenius, Minister of 
Denmark, would be able to give interesting data on the Russian 
situation. 

Those present seemed to think that it might be desirable to 
hear what these gentlemen might have to say. 



[130.] 

Secretaries' Notes of a Conversation held in M. Pichon's 
Room at the Quai d'Orsay on Tuesday, January 21, 1919, 
regarding Situation in Russia. 

(Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States 
Senate, 1919, Senate Doc. 106, p. 1240.) 

PRESENT 

United States of America : President Wilson, Mr. R. Lansing, 
Mr. A. H. Frazier, Col. U. S. Grant, Mr. L. Harrison. 

British Empire: The Right Hon. D. Lloyd George, the 
Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, Lieut. Col. Sir M. P. A. Hankey, 
K.C.B., Maj. A. M. Caccia, M.V.O., Mr. E. Phipps. 

France : M. Clemenceau, M. Pichon, M. Dutasta, M. Berthelot, 
Capt. A. Potier. 

Italy: Signer Orlando, H. E. Baron Sonnino, Count Aldro- 
vandi, Maj. A. Jones. 



290 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Japan : Baron Makino, H. E. ]M. Matsui, M. Saburi. 
Interpreter, Prof. P. J. Mantoux. 

M. Clemenceau said they had met together to decide what 
could be done in Russia under present circumstances. 

President Wilson said that in order to have something defi- 
nite to discuss, he wished to take advantage of a suggestion made 
by Mr. Lloyd George and to propose a modification of the British 
proposal. He wished to suggest that the various organized 
groups in Russia should be asked to send representatives, not to 
Paris, but to some other place, such as Salonika, convenient of 
approach, there to meet such representatives as might be ap- 
pointed by the Allies, in order to see if they could draw up a 
program upon which agreement could be reached. 

Mr. Lloyd George pointed out that the advantage of this 
would be that they could be brought straight there from Russia 
through the Black Sea without passing through other coun- 
tries. 

M. Sonnino said that some of the representatives of th» 
various Governments were already here in Paris, for example, 
M. Sazonoff. Why should these not be heard? 

President Wilson expressed the view that the various parties 
should not be heard separately. It would be very desirable to 
get all these representatives in one place, and still better, all in 
one room, in order to obtain a close comparison of views. 

Mr. Balfour said that a further objection to Mr. Sonnino 's 
plan was that if M. Sazonoff was heard in Paris, it would be 
difficult to refuse to hear the others in Paris also, and 
M. Clemenceau objected strongly to having some of these repre- 
sentatives in Paris. 

M. Sonnino explained that all the Russian parties had some 
representatives here, except the Soviets, whom they did not wish 
to hear. 

Mr. Lloyd George remarked that the Bolshevists were the 
very people some of them wished to hear. 

M. Sonnino continuing said that they had heard M. Lit- 
vinov's statements that morning. (That was the statement that 
Litvinov had made to Buckler ^ which the President had read 
to the council of ten that morning.) 

The Allies were now fighting against the Bolshevists who 

1 Mr. Buckler had been sent to Stockholm and had secured from 
Litvinov a statement of the position of the Soviet Government. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 291 

were their enemies, and therefore they were not obliged to hear 
them with the othei's. 

Mr. Balfour remarked that the essence of President Wilson's 
proposal was that the parties must all be heard at one and the 
same time. 

Mr. Lloyd George expressed the view that the acceptance of 
M. Sonnino's proposals would amount to their hearing a string 
of people, all of whom held the same opinion, and all of whom 
would strike the same note. But they would not hear the people 
who at the present moment were actually controlling European 
Russia. In deference to M. Clemenceau's views, they had put 
forward this new proposal. He thought it would be quite safe 
to bring the Bolshevist representatives to Salonika, or perhaps to 
Lemnos. It was absolutely necessary to endeavor to make peace. 
The report read by President Wilson that morning went to show 
that the Bolshevists were not convinced of the error of their 
ways, but they apparently realized the folly of their present 
methods. Therefore they were endeavoring to come to terms. 

President Wilson asked to be permitted to urge one aspect 
of the case. As M. Sonnino had implied, they were all repelled 
by Bolshevism, and for that reason they had placed armed men 
in opposition to them. One of the things that was clear in the 
Russian situation was that by opposing Bolshevism with arms, 
they were in reality serving the cause of Bolshevism. The Allies 
were making it possible for the Bolsheviks to argue that Impe- 
rialistic and Capitalistic Governments were endeavoring to 
exploit the country and to give the land back to the landlords, 
and so bring about a reaction. If it could be shown that this 
was not true, and that the Allies were prepared to deal with the 
rulers of Russia, much of the moral force of this argument would 
disappear. The allegation that the Allies were against the peo- 
ple and wanted to control their affairs provided the argument 
which enabled them to raise armies. If, on the other hand, the 
Allies could swallow their pride and the natural repulsion which 
they felt for the Bolshevists and see the representatives of all 
organized groups in one place, he thought it would bring about 
a marked reaction against Bolshevism. 

M. Clemenceau said that, in principle, he did not favor con- 
versation with the Bolshevists ; not because they were criminals, 
but because we would be raising them to our level by saying that 
they were worthy of entering into conversation with us. The 
Bolshevist danger was very great at the present moment. Bol- 



292 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

shevism was spreading. It had invaded the Baltic Provinces 
and Poland, and that very morning they received very bad news 
regarding its spread to Budapesth and Vienna. Italy, also, was 
in danger. The danger was probably greater there than in 
France. If Bolshevism, after spreading in Germany, were to 
traverse Austria and Hungary, and so reach Italy, Europe would 
be faced with a very great danger. Therefore, something must 
be done against Bolshevism. "When listening to the document 
presented by President Wilson that morning, he had been struck 
by the cleverness with which the Bolshevists were attempting to 
lay a trap for the Allies. "When the Bolshevists first came into 
power, a breach was made with the Capitalist Governments on 
questions of principle, but now they offered funds and conces- 
sions as a basis for treating with them. He need not say how 
valueless their promises were, but if they were listened to, the 
Bolshevists would go back to their people and say : ' ' We offered 
them great principles of justice and the Allies would have noth- 
ing to do with us. Now we offer money, and they are ready 
to make peace.'* 

He admitted his remarks did not offer a solution. The 
great misfortune was that the Allies were in need of a speedy 
solution. After four years of war and the losses and sufferings 
they had incurred, their populations could stand no more. 
Russia also was in need of immediate peace. But its necessary 
evolution must take time. The signing of the World Peace could 
not await Russia's final avatar. Had time been available, he 
would suggest waiting, for eventually sound men representing 
commonsense would come to the top. But when would that be ? 
He could make no forecast. Therefore they must press for an 
early solution. 

To sum up, had he been acting by himself, he would tempo- 
rize and erect barriers to prevent Bolshevism from spreading. 
But he was not alone, and in the presence of his colleagues he 
felt compelled to make some concession, as it was essential that 
there should not be even the appearance of disagreement amongst 
them. The concession came easier after having heard President 
Wilson's suggestions. He thought that they should make a very 
clear and convincing appeal to all reasonable peoples, em- 
phatically stating that they did not wish in any way to inter- 
fere in the internal affairs of Russia, and especially that they 
had no intention of restoring Czardom. The object of the Allies 
being to hasten the creation of a strong Government, they pro- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 293 

posed to call together representatives of all parties to a Con- 
ference. He would beg President Wilson to draft a paper, fully 
explaining the position of the Allies to the whole world, includ- 
ing the Russians and the Germans. 

Mr. Lloyd George agreed and gave notice that he wished to 
withdraw his own motion in favor of President Wilson's. 

Mr. Balfour said that he understood that all these people 
were to be asked on an equality. On these terms he thought 
the Bolshevists would refuse, and by their refusal they would 
put themselves in a very bad position. 

Mr. Sonnino said that he did not agree that the Bolshevists 
would not come. He thought they would be the first to come, 
because they would be eager to put themselves on an equality 
with the others. He would remind his colleagues that before 
the Peace of Brest-Litovsk was signed, the Bolshevists promised 
all sorts of things, such as to refrain from propaganda, but since 
that peace had been concluded they had broken all their prom- 
ises, their one idea being to spread revolution in all other coun- 
tries. His idea was to collect together all the anti-Bolshevik 
parties and help them to make a strong Government, provided 
they pledged themselves not to serve the forces of reaction and 
especially not to touch the land question, thereby depriving the 
Bolshevists of their strongest argument. Should they take these 
pledges, he would be prepared to help them. 

Mr. Lloyd George inquired how this help would be given. 

Mr. Sonnino replied that help would be given with soldiers 
to a reasonable degree or by supplying arms, food, and money. 
For instance, Poland asked for weapons and munitions; the 
Ukraine asked for weapons. All the Allies wanted was to estab- 
lish a strong Government. The reason that no strong Govern- 
ment at present existed was that no party could risk taking the 
offensive against Bolshevism without the assistance of the Allies. 
He would inquire how the parties of order could possibly suc- 
ceed without the help of the Allies. President Wilson had said 
that they should put aside all pride in the matter. He would 
point out that, for Italy and probably for France also, as 
M. Clemenceau had stated, it was in reality a question of self- 
defense. He thought that even a partial recognition of the Bol- 
shevists would strengthen their position, and, speaking for him- 
self, he thought that Bolshevism was already a serious danger 
in his country. 

Mr. Lloyd George said he wished to put one or two prac- 



294 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

tical questions to M. Sonnino. The British Empire now had 
some 15,000 to 20,000 men in Russia. M. de Scavenius had 
estimated that some 150,000 additional men would be required, 
in order to keep the anti-Bolshevist Governments from dissolu- 
tion. And General Franchet d'Esperey also insisted on the 
necessity of Allied assistance. Now Canada had decided to 
withdraw her troops, because the Canadian soldiers would not 
agree to stay and fight against the Russians. Similar trouble 
had also occurred amongst the other Allied troops. And he felt 
certain that, if the British tried to send any more troops there, 
there would be mutiny. 

M. Sonnino suggested that volunteers might be called for. 

Mr. Lloyd George, continuing, said that it would be impos- 
sible to raise 150,000 men in that way. He asked, however, 
what contributions America, Italy, and Prance would make to- 
wards the raising of this Army. 

President Wilson and M. Clemenceau each said none. 

M. Orlando agreed that Italy could make no further contri- 
butions. 

Mr. Lloyd George said that the Bolshevists had an army of 
300,000 men who would, before long, be good soldiers, and to 
fight them at least 400,000 Russian soldiers would be required. 
Who would feed, equip, and pay them? Would Italy, or 
America, or France, do so? If they were unable to do that, 
what would be the good of fighting Bolshevism? It could not 
be crushed by speeches. He sincerely trusted that they would 
accept President Wilson's proposal as it now stood. 

M. Orlando agreed that the question was a very difficult one 
for the reasons that had been fully given. He agreed that Bol- 
shevism constituted a grave danger to all Europe. To prevent 
a contagious epidemic from spreading, the sanitarians set up a 
cordon sanitaire. If similar measures could be taken against 
Bolshevism, in order to prevent its spreading, it might be over- 
come, since to isolate it meant vanquishing it. Italy was now 
passing through a period of depression, due to war weariness. 
But Bolshevists could never triumph there, unless they found a 
favorable medium, such as might be produced by a profound 
patriotic disappointment in their expectations as to the rewards 
of the war, or by an economic crisis. Either might lead to revo- 
lution, which was equivalent to Bolshevism. Therefore, he 
would insist that all possible measures should be taken to set 
up this cordon. Next, he suggested the consideration of repres- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 295 

sive measures. He thought two methods were possible ; either the 
use of physical force or the use of moral force. He thought 
Mr. Lloyd George's objection to the use of physical force un- 
answerable. The occupation of Russia meant the employment 
of large numbers of troops for an indefinite period of time. This 
meant an apparent prolongation of the war. There remained the 
use of moral force. He agreed with M. Clemenceau that no coun- 
try could continue in anarchy and that an end must eventually 
come; but they could not wait; they could not proceed to make 
peace and ignore Russia. Therefore, Mr. Lloyd George's pro- 
posal, with the modifications introduced after careful considera- 
tion by President Wilson and M. Clemenceau, gave a possible 
solution. It did not involve entering into negotiations with the 
Bolsheviks; the proposal was merely an attempt to bring 
together all the parties in Russia with a view to finding a way 
out of the present difficulty. He was prepared, therefore, to 
support it. 

President Wilson asked for the views of his Japanese col- 
leagues. 

Baron Makino said that after carefully considering the 
various points of view put forward, he had no objections to make 
regarding the conclusion reached. He thought that was the best 
solution under the circumstances. He wished, however, to in- 
quire what attitude would be taken by the Representatives of the 
Allied Powers if the Bolshevists accepted the invitation to the 
meeting and there insisted upon their principles. He thought 
they should under no circumstances countenance Bolshevist 
ideas. The conditions in Siberia east of the Baikal had greatly 
improved. The objects which had necessitated the despatch of 
troops to that region had been attained. Bolshevism was no 
longer aggressive, though it might still persist in a latent form. 
In conclusion, he wished to support the proposal before the 
meeting. 

President Wilson expressed the view that the emissaries of 
the Allied Powers should not be authorized to adopt any definite 
attitude towards Bolshevism. They should merely report back 
to their Governments the conditions found. 

Mr. Lloyd George asked that that question be further con- 
sidered. He thought the emissaries of the Allied Powers should 
be able to establish an agreement if they were able to find a 
solution. For instance, if they succeeded in reaching an agree- 
ment on the subject of the organization of a Constituent Assem- 



296 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

bly, they should be authorized to accept such a compromise 
without the delay of a reference to the Governments. 

President Wilson suggested that the emissaries might be fur- 
nished with a body of instructions. 

Mr. Balfour expressed the view that abstention from hostile 
action against their neighbors should be made a condition of 
their sending representatives to this meeting. 

President Wilson agreed. 

M. Clemenceau suggested that the manifesto to the Russian 
parties should be based solely on humanitarian grounds. They 
should say to the Russians: ''You are threatened by famine. 
We are prompted by humanitarian feelings; we are making 
peace; we do not want people to die. We are prepared to see 
what can be done to remove the menace of starvation.*' He 
thought the Russians would at once prick up their ears, and 
be prepared to hear what the Allies had to say. They would 
add that food cannot be sent unless peace and order were re- 
established. It should, in fact, be made quite clear that the 
representatives of all parties would merely be brought together 
for purely humane reasons. 

Mr. Lloyd George said that in this connection he wished to 
invite attention to a doubt expressed by certain of the delegates 
of the British Dominions, namely, whether there would be food 
and credit enough to go round should an attempt be made to 
feed all Allied countries, and enemy countries, and Russia also. 
The export of so much food would inevitably have the effect of 
raising food prices in Allied countries and so create discontent 
and Bolshevism. As regards grain, Russia had always been an 
exporting country, and there was evidence to show that plenty 
of food at present existed in the Ukraine. 

President Wilson said that his information was that enough 
food existed in Russia, but, either on account of its being 
hoarded or on account of difficulties of transportation, it could 
not be made available. 

(It was agreed that President Wilson should draft a proc- 
lamation, for consideration at the next meeting, inviting all 
organized parties in Russia to attend a meeting to be held at 
some selected place such as Salonika or Lemnos, in order to 
discuss with the representatives of the Allied and Associated 
Great Powers the means of restoring order and peace in Russia. 
Participation in the meeting should be conditional on a cessation 
of hostilities.) 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 297 

[131.] 

President Wilson's Prinkipo Proposal at the Meeting of the 
Peace Conference, January 22, 1919. 

The single object the representatives of the Associated Powers 
have had in mind in their discussions of the course they should 
pursue with regard to Russia has been to help the Russian peo- 
ple, not to hinder them, or to interfere in any manner with 
their right to settle their own affairs in their own way. They 
regard the Russian people as their friends, not their enemies, 
and are willing to help them in any way they are willing to be 
helped. It is clear to them that the troubles and distresses of 
the Russian people will steadily increase, hunger and privation 
of every kind become more and more acute, more and more wide- 
spread, and the more and more impossible to relieve, unless order 
is restored, and normal conditions of labor, trade, and transporta- 
tion once more created, and they are seeking some way in which 
to assist the Russian people to establish order. 

They recognize the absolute right of the Russian people to 
direct their own affairs without dictation or direction of any kind 
from outside. They do not wish to exploit, or make use of Russia 
in any way. They recognize the revolution without reservation, 
and will in no way and in no circumstances aid or give coun- 
tenance to any attempt at a counter-revolution. It is not their 
wish or purpose to favor or assist any one of the organized 
groups now contending for the leadership and guidance of Rus- 
sia as against the others. Their sole and sincere purpose is to 
do what they can to bring Russia peace and an opportunity 
to find her way out of her present troubles. 

The Associated Powers are now engaged in the solemn and 
responsible work of establishing the peace of Europe, and of the 
world, and they are keenly alive to the fact that Europe and 
the world cannot be at peace if Russia is not. They recognize 
and accept it as their duty, therefore, to serve Russia in this 
great matter as generously, as unselfishly, as thoughtfully, and 
ungrudgingly as they would serve every other friend and ally. 
And they are ready to render this service in the way that is 
most acceptable to the Russian people. 

In this spirit and with this purpose, they have taken the 
following action : They invite every organized group that is now 
exercising or attempting to exercise political authority or mili- 



298 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

tary control anywhere in Siberia, or within the boundaries of 
European Russia as they stood before the war just concluded 
(except in Finland) to send representatives, not exceeding three 
representatives for each group, to the Princes' Islands, Sea of 
Marmora, where they will be met by representatives of the Asso- 
ciated Powers, provided, in the meantime, there is a truce of 
arms amongst the parties invited, and that all armed forces any- 
where sent or directed against any people or territory outside 
the boundaries of European Russia as they stood before the war, 
or against Finland, or against any people or territory whose 
autonomous action is in contemplation in the fourteen articles 
upon which the present negotiations are based, shaU be mean- 
while withdrawn, and aggressive military action cease. These 
representatives are invited to confer with the representatives of 
the Associated Powers in the freest and frankest way, with a 
view to ascertaining the wishes of all sections of the Russian peo- 
ple, and bringing about, if possible, some understanding and 
agreement by which Russia may work out her own purposes and 
happy co-operative relations be established between her people 
and the other peoples of the world. 

A prompt reply to this invitation is requested. Every facility 
for the journey of the representatives, including transport across 
the Black Sea, will be given by the Allies, and all the parties 
concerned are expected to give the same facilities. The repre- 
sentatives will be expected at the place appointed by the fifteenth 
of February, 1919. 

The proposal will be sent to-night by wireless to the inter- 
ested parties. 

[132.] 

Note from the Soviet Government in retply to Prinkipo 
Invitation, February 4, 19 19. 

(New York Nation, January 17, 1920.) 

To the Governments of Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan, and 
the United States of North America: 

The Russian Soviet Government has learned, through a 
radiogram which contained a review of the press, of an invita- 
tion stated to have been addressed by the Entente Powers, to 
all de facto Governments of Russia, to send delegates to a con- 
ference on Princes' Islands. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 299 

As the Soviet Government of Russia has received no such 
invitation addressed to it, but has learned — and again through 
a radio review of the press — that the absence of an answer from 
the Soviet Government is interpreted as a refusal to reply to 
this invitation, the Russian Soviet Government desires to remove 
any false interpretation of its actions. On the other hand, in 
view of the fact that the foreign press systematically reports its 
actions in a false light, the Russian Soviet Government takes 
advantage of this opportunity to express its attitude with the 
utmost clearness and frankness. 

In spite of the fact that both the military and internal con- 
ditions of Soviet Russia are constantly improving, the Soviet 
Government is so anxious to secure an agreement that would put 
an end to hostilities, that it is ready to enter at once into nego- 
tiations to this end, and, as it has more than once declared, is 
even willing in order to obtain such an agreement to make 
serious concessions, provided they will not menace the future 
development of Soviet Russia. In view of the fact that the 
power of resistance of the enemies which Soviet Russia has to 
fight depends exclusively on the aid which they receive from the 
Entente Powers, and that these are, therefore, its only real ad- 
versaries, the Russian Soviet Government addresses to these 
Powers a statement with regard to those questions on which it 
would consider such concessions possible in order to put an end 
to all conflicts with these Powers. 

In view of the particular importance which is attached not 
only by the press, but also by the numerous declarations of the 
representatives of the Entente Governments to the question of 
Russian loans, the Soviet Government first of all declares its 
readiness to make concessions in this matter to the demands of 
the Entente Powers. It does not refuse to recognize its financial 
obligations to its creditors who are subjects of the Entente 
Powers, leaving the precise formulation of the manner in which 
this point is to be enforced to the special treaties the elaboration 
of which is to be one of the tasks of the proposed negotiations. 

Secondly, in view of the difficult financial position of the Rus- 
sian Soviet Republic and the unsatisfactory condition of its 
credit abroad, the Russian Soviet Government offers to guar- 
antee the payment of interest on its loans by a certain amount 
of raw materials, which should be determined through a special 
agreement. 

Thirdly, in view of the great interest which foreign capital 



300 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

has always evinced toward the question of the exploitation in 
its interests of the natural resources of Russia, the Soviet Gov- 
ernment is willing to grant to subjects of the Entente Powers 
concessions in mines, forests, and other resources, which must be 
carefully formulated in such manner that the economic and social 
order of Soviet Russia shall be in no way violated by the internal 
regulations of these concessions.^ 

The fourth point which, in the opinion of the Russian Soviet 
Government, might be dealt with in the proposed negotiations is 
the question of territorial concessions, for the Soviet Govern- 
ment does not intend to insist on excluding from these negotia- 
tions the consideration of the question of annexation of Russian 
territories by the Entente Powers. The Soviet Government adds 
that the presence in the territory of the former Russian Empire, 
with the exception of Poland and Finland, of armed forces of 
the Entente or of forces which are maintained at the expense 
of the Governments of the Entente or receive financial, technical, 
military, or any other kind of support from them, should also 
be characterized as annexation. 

As for points two and four, the scope of the concessions to 
which the Soviet Government will agree will depend on its mili- 
tary situation with regard to the Entente Powers, and this situa- 
tion is at present constantly improving. 

On the northern front the Soviet troops have just retaken 
the city of Shenkursk. On the eastern front they have tempo- 
rarily lost Perm, but they have regained Ufa, Sterlitmak, 
Belebey, Orenburg, and Uralsk. As a result of this the railroad 
connection with Central Asia is at present in the hands of the 
Soviet Government. On the southern front they have recently 
taken the important railroad stations of Pavorino, Alexikovo, 
Uriupino, Talovaya, Kalatsh^ and Begutchar, and thus control 
the railroads of this region, while the Ukrainian Soviet troops, 
advancing from Lugansk, threaten Krasnov's rear from the 
southeast. Local Soviet trops have taken Kharkov, Ekaterino- 
slav, Poltava, Kremenehug, Chernigov, Ovruch, and many other 

1 According to The Russian Almanac, 1919 (London, edited by N. 
Peacock), the following declaration was issued in Paris: 

The representatives of Russia deem it their duty to declare, in order 
to avoid all misunderstandings, that no agreement made with Bolshevik 
authorities in regard to concessions or privileges will he recognized by the 
national authorities, and that all transactions concluded by foreigners 
with representatives of the Soviets will be considered null and void. 

(Signed) Prince Lvov. N. Chaikovsky. 
Sazonov. B. Maklakov. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 301 

less important cities. White Russia, Lithuania, and Lettonia are 
almost entirely in the hands of the Soviet troops of these repub- 
lics, including the large cities of Minsk, Vilna, Riga, Dvinsk, 
Mitau, Vindau, and others. 

The remarkable improvement in the internal situation of 
Soviet Russia appears from the negotiations which the members 
of the former Constituent Assembly have begun with the Soviet 
Government. Their representatives, Rakitnikov (President of 
their Congress), Sviatizki (Secretary), Volski, Shmelev, Coure- 
voy, Chernenkov, Antonov, all of whom are members of the Cen- 
tral Committee of the Social Revolutionary party, arrived in 
Moscow yesterday, February 3. These well-known Social Revo- 
lutionists have declared themselves with great emphasis against 
the Entente intervention in Russia.^ 

The improvement of the Soviet Government's relations with 
the elements formerly hostile to it in Russian society is indicated 
by the change of the attitude of the Mensheviki, whose confer- 
ence has likewise protested against the Entente intervention 
and whose organ, Vpered, appears in Moscow without interfer- 
ence.2 The general easing up of the former tension in the 

1 L'Humanitd on January 22, 1919, published a declaration by the 
Deputies of the Constituent Assembly who took the initiative in organizing 
a Provisional Government at Ufa in the autumn of 1918. 

" The struggle of the Revolutionary Socialists against the Bolsheviks 
was conducted against a power which was in direct contact with the 
oppressors of the Russian democracy, — namely the Germans. 

'* But now that Germany has been defeated and the victorious powers 
are intervening in Russia, this struggle assumes more and more the char- 
acter of a support rendered, as it were, by the bourgeoisie of those coun- 
tries to the reactionary Russian bourgeoisie. 

" It has become necessary for us to abandon our struggle against the 
Bolsheviks. Kolchak's coup d'etat at Omsk has finally thrown a clear 
light on the actualities of the situation. After this coup d'6tat the mem- 
bers of the Constituent Assembly secretly formed an Executive Committee 
and in accord with the resolutions of the congress this committee has begun 
to organize a struggle against Kolchak. 

" It was decided to abandon the struggle against the Bolsheviks and 
to unite all forces in a common struggle against Kolchak and the Siberian 
reaction. 

" Under the present circumstances the struggle against the Bolsheviks 
is in reality altered to a bloody civil war and a struggle against a party of 
workers and peasants. We are, therefore, making efforts to call all the 
troops attached to the Constituent Assembly away from the present front 
in order to direct them against Kolchak and to open preliminary negotia- 
tions with the Commander of the Bolshevik troops with the object of 
terminating the struggle and uniting all our strength against Kolchak." 
(Weekly Bulletin of the Bureau of Information on Soviet Russia, March 
17, 1919.) 

2 L*Humamt6 published on March 5, 1919, a long manifesto which was 



302 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

internal situation of Russia is shown by the abolition of the 
Local Extraordinary Commissions (for combating counter- 
revolution). And finally, the reports in the foreign press con- 
cerning the alleged unrest in Petrograd and other places are 
absolutely fabrications. 

Emphasizing again that the situation of the Soviet Republic 
will necessarily affect the extent of the proposed concession, the 
Russian Soviet Government, nevertheless, stands by its proposal 
to enter into negotiations on the above-mentioned questions. As 
for the complaints frequently expressed in the Entente press 
with regard to the international revolutionary propaganda of 
the Russian Soviet Government, that Government declares that 
it is ready, if necessary, to include in the general agreement with 
the Entente Powers the obligation not to interfere in their 
internal affairs, pointing out, however, that it cannot limit the 
freedom of the revolutionary press. 

On the above-mentioned basis the Russian Soviet Govern- 
ment is ready to enter into immediate negotiations on Princes 
Island or at any other place with all the Entente Powers or 
with individual powers of their number or with certain Rus- 

issued in Moscow by the Central Executive of the Menshevik party. After 
referring to the Soviet Government's acceptance of the Prinkipo proposal 
and its abandonment by the Allies, the manifesto goes on to declare that 
"preparations for an Allied military campaign against Russia are in full 
swing." 

" English and French Military missions are at this very moment 
everywhere in evidence; they are gathering together Russian counter- 
revolutionary forces, their presence being the occasion for all kinds of in- 
human measures of repression — shootings, hangings, tortures. . . . Czechs, 
Ukrainians, Poles, Finns, Letts, etc., are all being pressed into an anti- 
Bolshevik police force, and are being encouraged in their design to seize 
portions of Russian territory for themselves. 

" The masses of the Russian workers will defend themselves to the 
last against this series of dismemberments and against the forces of 
social reaction which cannot hope to gain power, except through the help 
of the Polish, Finnish, Rumanian, and Japanese reactionaries. 

" Is the proletariat of western Europe going to allow these reactionary 
governments which are in power as the result of the world war, and have 
crushed their own working classes by a White Terror, to get together a 
force of international police, and with its aid to crush the working class 
throughout the world. . . . The Menshevik party appeals to all Socialist 
parties and to all trade unions to work for an agreement between the 
Entente and Lenin's government. . . . 

" The Central Executive of the Menshevik party sincerely hopes that 
active intervention by the international proletariat will protect the Rus- 
sian revolution from the blow which is being struck at it. Down with 
armed intervention! No interference with revolutionary Russia! Long 
live the unity of the proletariat in its international struggle." (Weekly 
Bulletin of the Bureau of Information on Soviet Russia, April 14, 1919.) 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 303 

sian political groups, according to the wish of the Entente 
Powers. The Russian Soviet Government requests the Entente 
Powers to make known to it without delay the place to which 
it should send its representatives, as well as the time and the 
route. 

Chicherin, 
People ^s Commissary for Foreign Affairs. 
Moscow, February 4, 1919. 

[133.] 

Replies of Non-Bolshevik Russian Governments to 
Prinkipo Invitation.^ 

(1) 

REPLY OP LETTISH GOVERNMENT TO PRINKIPO INVITATION. 
{New York Times, February 14, 1919.) 

On January 22 the great Allied Powers assembled at the 
Peace Conference invited representatives of ** every organized 
group that is now exercising or attempting to exercise political 
authority or military control anywhere in Siberia, or within the 
boundaries of European Russia as they stood before the war 
just concluded, except in Finland," to go to Princes' Islands, 
February 15, 1919, to confer with the representatives of the 
great Allied Powers. 

Although from a political point of view the Provisional Gov- 
ernment of Letvia is in a situation exactly similar to that of 
Poland and Finland, it finds itself, nevertheless, invited, accord- 
ing to an official declaration made by the Secretary General of 
the Peace Conference on February 10, 1919. In the name of the 
Provisional Lettish Government, the Lettish delegation has the 
honor to bring to the attention of the Peace Conference of Paris 
the following declaration: 

**The Provisional Lettish Government will send three dele- 
gates to Princes' Islands, provided that all armed forces sent or 
directed by Russia against the Lettish State be withdrawn from 
Letvia and that all offensive military action cease. 

Letvia announces its separation from Russia and announced 

1 The Georgian Government refused the invitation. The Soviet Ukrai- 
nian Government, the Government of the Crimea, and the Lithuanian Gov- 
ernment accepted. 



304 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

in January, 1919, at the Constituent Assembly of Russia (?), 
the constitution of an independent and soverei^ Lettish State: 
The Lettish delegation sent to the Peace Conference will 
participate in the conference at Prinkipo in order to: 

I. Make peace with Russia, this peace to be recognized by 
the great Allied Powers. 

II. Regulate, under the auspices of the great Allied Powers 
the political and economic affairs as they result from the separa- 
tion of Letvia from Russia. 

III. Make treaties in and take the necessary steps toward 
the establishment of States. 

(signed) J. Tschiste.*' 

(2) 

REPLY OP THE ESTHONIAN GOVERNMENT TO THE 
PRINKIPO INVITATION 

{'New York Times, February 14, 1919.) 

On January 22 the Peace Conference adopted a resolution by 
which the Governments established within the bounds of what 
was Russia before the war were asked to meet the representa- 
tives of the Allied Powers at Princes' Islands February 15. The 
resolution closed with a request for a reply to this invitation 
from the interested parties. 

Therefore the Esthonian delegation considers it a duty to 
bring to the attention of the Peace Conference, in the name of 
the Esthonian Government, the following: 

**The Esthonian people, by the intermediary of its National 
Council which springs from universal suffrage, determined to 
separate from Russia and thereupon proclaimed Esthonia an 
independent republic. The Government has been provisionally 
recognized by the English, French, and Italian Governments. 
Not only does the Esthonian Government exert its authority 
independent of any Russian Government, but for three months, 
after having organized a regular army, it has been at war with 
the Russian Soviet Communist Republic. 

* * Therefore, we in no wise consider ourselves a part of Russia, 
although we accept the invitation of the Allied Powers and of 
the United States to go to Princes* Islands. We believe that 
the participation of the representatives of Esthonia and of the 
Communist Republic of Russian Soviets of importance to the 
future relations between Russia and the Esthonian Republic." 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 305 



(3) 

NOTE HANDED THE PEACE CONFERENCE FEBRUARY 19, 1919, BY 
REPRESENTATIVES OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF SIBERIA, ARCH- 
ANGEL ^ AND SOUTHERN RUSSIA. 

(New York Times, February 20, 1919.) 

Highly appreciating the motives which inspired the Allies in 
their proposal of January 22, the above-mentioned Governments 
mark with satisfaction that the conference considers the re- 
establishment of order in Russia as an essential condition to 
durable peace in Europe, and gladly accepts the Allies' offer 
to collaborate in the interior pacification of Russia. After three 
years of fighting in which she loyally participated, and carried 
a considerable share of the common burden, Russia having been 
made powerless further to prosecute the war, can only in peace 
recuperate from her wounds; but such work of reconstruction 
is rendered impossible by the civil war which is being advocated 
and waged by the criminal usurpers, without regard for faith 
or law, whose despotism burdens a great part of Russia. 

Aiming above all to put an end to the sanguinary tyranny 
of the Bolsheviki, the Russian political groups who have assumed 
the task of reviving our native land and restoring the State on 
true democratic bases would be grateful to the Peace Confer- 
ence for the assistance which it desires to extend to this work 
of national reconstruction. They consider it as a certainty that 
everything which is done to restore to Russia, as soon as interior 
order is instituted, its place in the society of nations, will effi- 
caciously serve at the same time the aims of justice, of humanity, 
and of international peace for which the conference is striving. 

At the same time the united Governments of Russia are ready 
to put themselves at the disposal of the Allied Powers for the 
purpose of making known to them the actual situation of Russia 
and to seek in accord with them the means of remedy. 

However, there cannot be any question of an exchange of 
ideas on this subject with the participation of the Bolsheviki, 
whom the conscience of the Russian people sees as traitors be- 
cause they have betrayed the Russian cause and the cause of the 

1 A Paris dispatch dated February 21 announced that Nicholas 
Tchaikovsky, President of the North Russian Government, had consented 
to participate in the conference. 



306 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Allies in negotiating with the enemy; they have fomented 
anarchy, trampled the democratic principles which gcjvern 
civilized countries, and maintained their power exclusively by 
terror. There is no conciliation possible between them and the 
national Russian groups. Any meeting would not only remain 
without effect, but might possibly cause to the Russian patriots 
as well as to the allied nations an irreparable moral prejudice. 



[I34-] 

Announcement of recognition of Poland by State Department, 

January 29, 1919. 

{New York Times, January 30, 1919.) 

The Provisional Government is accorded complete recogni- 
tion in a telegram which Secretary Lansing has sent to Ignace 
Paderewski by direction of President Wilson. The message 
extending this full recognition follows: 

The President of the United States directs me to extend to 
you as Prime Minister and Secretary for Foreign Affairs of 
the Provisional Polish Government his sincere wishes for your 
success in the high office which you have assumed, and his earnest 
hope that the Government of which you are a part will bring 
prosperity to the Republic of Poland. 

It is my privilege to extend to you at this time my personal 
greetings, and officially assure you that it will be a source of 
gratification to enter into official relations with you at the earliest 
opportunity, and to render your country such aid as is possible 
at this time as it enters upon a new cycle of independent life 
will be in full accord with that spirit of friendliness which has 
in the past animated the American people in their relations with 
your countrymen. 

[135-] 

Note from the Russian Soviet Governmemt to Italy, 
February 14, 1919. 

{Soviet Russia, August 9, 1919.) 

Up to the moment when the Italian Government actually 
broke with Russia, the Russian Soviet Government had been 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 307 

doing everything in its power to establish amicable relations with 
Italy. 

There can be no opposition of interests between Russia and 
Italy. Nothing divides the Russian people from the Italian and, 
since the aggressive imperialistic policy of Czarism has ceased 
to menace the peace of the East and to instigate troubles in 
Slavic countries neighboring on Italy, nothing should trouble 
the harmony between the two countries, and the Italian Govern- 
ment should refrain from any hostile action towards peaceful 
and democratic Russia, which is desirous of the friendship of 
all peoples. 

Nevertheless, the contrary, alas! has happened. The Soviet 
Government has always treated the Italian representatives 
in Russia with the greatest consideration and courtesy, and has 
done all in its power to aid them when Italian prisoners who 
had escaped from Austria arrived in Moscow destitute of all 
that is necessary to exist. When the menace of Allied war- 
ships had forced the Soviet authorities in Archangel to intro- 
duce the state of siege in that city and a detachment of Italian 
soldiers had been arrested and brought by force to Moscow 
where the military authorities interned them in barracks, the 
Soviet government, after an inquiry necessitated by the abnormal 
and perilous situation in which Russia was situated, neverthe- 
less freed all the Italian soldiers in question. When the Italian 
representatives desired to leave Russia — although the Soviet 
Government would have preferred to have them remain in Russia 
— they were treated with all possible respect and regard on the 
part of the Soviet Government, and all Italian subjects desiring 
to leave with them could do so without hindrance. 

During the period when the Soviet Government was in con- 
stant relations with the Italian military attache, General 
Romei, and the consul general in Moscow, Mr. Maioni, the rep- 
resentatives of the Soviet Government made constant efforts to 
make them see the ardent desire of Soviet Russia to live in 
peace with Italy. That was the time when the Entente repre- 
sentatives were striving to embroil Russia, ruined and bleeding 
from a thousand wounds, in a new war against Germany, which 
in view of Russia's situation at the time, with the enormous 
power of imperialist Germany not far from Moscow, would have 
meant certain ruin for Russia, an invasion by the imperialist 
German army and all the incalculable calamities involved in a 
foreign occupation and resulting from the oppression practiced 



308 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

by a German army upon her territory. It was impossible for 
Russia at such a moment to commit veritable suicide in this 
manner ; the result would have been truly fatal for the unhappy 
Russian people. The representatives of the Soviet Government 
gave the representatives of Italy to understand that Soviet 
Russia had the best intentions towards Italy, that it requested 
nothing else but to live in peace with her as well as with other 
countries; and that moreover, when the Russian people would 
have recovered, the national organism would be reconstructed 
and filled with a new strength, then perhaps, if the circum- 
stances should permit, the Russian people, with arms in their 
hands, would throw off the fetters which had been imposed upon 
them by the victorious German imperialism. The Soviet repre- 
sentatives even said that if the German army should invade 
the heart of Russia and put the Russian people before the pros-, 
pect of subjection, the Russian Soviet Government would then 
address itself to all the powers of the Entente, asking that they 
come to its aid and propose to them a co-ordinated action against 
the German invader. But in the situation in which Russia 
found herself at the time, as long as this condition did not 
materialize, and as long as Germany should leave at peace all 
the extent of Russia which Germany did not occupy, the only 
possible policy for the Russian Soviet Government was that of 
peace, of peace at any price. How many times during these 
conversations with General Romei and with Mr. Maioni did the 
People ^s Commissary for Foreign Affairs try to make them 
understand that the Russian people in the terrible crisis through 
which it was passing could offer to the powers of the Entente 
no real assistance, and that to Russia itself incalculable harm 
would be involved in every imprudent action toward Germany. 
Internal reconstruction, creation of the national organs which 
were lacking in all spheres of Russian life, such was the task 
of the Russian Government at that moment, and peace, peace 
at any price, was the first condition of its existence. 

Unfortunately, the representatives of Italy returned always 
to the same unreasonable demands, asking of Russia, which was 
unable to take up arms at that moment, to re-enter the field 
against Germany, then at the zenith of her military strength. 
The Red Army at that time was yet in an embryonic state; 
defenseless Russia could offer but a semblance of resistance to 
the terrific German force. In spite of that the Italian repre- 
sentatives demanded of the Soviet Government an impossibility, 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 309 

by asking defenseless Russia to reopen the war against the im- 
perialist colossus, a victorious Germany. 

Soviet Russia has done no wrong to the Italian people ; Rus- 
sia only refrained from beginning a new war that was beyond 
her power. This notwithstanding, the Italian Government has 
sent its armies against the Russian Soviet Republic. Italian 
contingents took part in the invasion of the northern provinces 
of Russia without any pretext and without a declaration of war ; 
other Italian detachments appeared in the remote Siberian 
provinces of Russia which Russia was unable to defend against 
this danger. Now that the delegates of the Socialist-Revolution- 
ary party, who had always been the adversaries of the Russian 
Soviet Government, faced by the barbarous and limitless reaction 
that is rampant in Siberia, thanks to the support of the Allies, 
have finally come to Moscow to seek a reconciliation with the 
Soviet Government against the terrible menace of the bloody 
counter-revolution — these delegates have declared, and the secre- 
tary of the ex-Constituent Assembly, Sviatizky, has published 
their statement in the Izvestia of February 6th, that the 
revolt of the peasants in the Marlinsk District of the province 
of Tomsk had been drowned in blood by Italian detachments 
stationed in these regions in order to keep the people under the 
yoke. Italian soldiers appeared in Siberia and in northern Rus- 
sia in the role of judges of the Russian people. That is what 
we protest against with all our might and that is the state of 
affairs which we demand should stop. 

Soviet Russia demands but one thing : that she be permitted 
to live in peace. She does not menace anybody, she has always 
sought the friendship of all peoples. The invasion of her ter- 
ritory by the Allied armies was provoked by no act on her part. 
Since then the Soviet Government has repeated many times its 
peace proposals to the representatives of the Entente through 
the neutral representatives in Moscow. The proposition to enter 
into peace parleys was addressed on November 3rd to the Italian 
Government at the same time as to the other Entente govern- 
ments. On November 8th, the 5th Congress of the Soviets de- 
clared solemnly before the whole world that it had addressed 
to the Entente powers a proposition to enter into negotiations 
to put an end to the armed conflict with those powers. The same 
proposition was addressed on December 23rd, by the Russian 
representative at Stockholm, Litvinoff, to the representatives of 
the Entente countries resident in Sweden. Lastly, on February 



310 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

4th, in the note sent out by wireless to the Entente governments, 
the Russian Soviet Government declared itself ready to make 
serious sacrifices with regard to its financial obligations, and also 
to furnish guarantees in the form of quantities of raw materials, 
as well as mining, forest, and other concessions and also some 
concessions in the sphere of territorial annexations. While 
these lines are being written, the Russian Soviet Government is 
still awaiting an answer from the Entente governments. We 
repeat once more that peace and friendship with all the peoples 
is the aim which Soviet Russia seeks to attain even at the price 
of serious sacrifices. 

The pretext which was advanced by the Entente powers at 
the time when they entered upon the road of a hostile policy 
towards Soviet Russia was the armed struggle beginning at that 
time between the Soviet authorities and the Czecho-Slovak 
troops of Western Siberia. In reality the Soviet Government 
has displayed the greatest patience towards the Czecho-Slovaks 
and has taken recourse to rigorous measures only after the 
actions of the latter have made it impossible for the former to 
avoid using such measures. At the beginning of 1918, the 
Soviet Government consented to the departure of the Czecho- 
slovaks, with their weapons, by the Vladivostok route. In the 
midst of a fully disarmed Russia, the Czecho-Slovak contingents, 
well organized, imbued with martial spirit, having at their dis- 
posal sufiScient war materials and receiving considerable support 
from the Entente powers became soon a most serious menace to 
the internal safety of the Russian Soviet Republic. Animated 
by sentiments that were little favorable to the new regime in 
Russia, the Czech contingents manifested their sentiments more 
and more violently, taking possession by force of the rolling 
stock on the Russian railroads, which they lacked on account 
of the general disorganization of transportation, and seizing 
food stocks and provisions in the villages through which they 
were passing, and whose population was suffering from famine. 
Collisions took place between the Czecho-Slovaks and the local 
authorities, chiefly the railroad authorities. Soon their attitude 
with regard to the Soviet Government became decidedly hostile 
and seriously menacing. Where they met compatriots who 
were unwilling to follow their road, they committed the worst 
acts of violence against the latter. They also seized many camps 
inhabited by Czechs in various towns of interior Russia, such 
as Kirsanoff, where a certain number of Czechs were massacred 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 311 

by the Czecho-Slovak contingents. They were commanded by 
counter-revolutionary Czarist officers and, as the documents 
seized later on the Czecho-Slovak spies who fell into our hands 
have proved in an irrefutable manner, French agents system- 
atically prepared, with the aid of gold distributed by them 
among the Czecho-Slovaks, the revolt which in their opinion 
was to deal a mortal blow to the people's revolution in Russia. 
The danger became so highly menacing that the towns of 
Western Siberia, especially after the disembarkation of the Japa- 
nese in the middle of April, which marked the beginning of the 
interventionist policy on the part of the Entente, demanded in 
a loud voice that the Czech contingents be directed by another 
road. The Soviet Government indicated to England and Prance 
that a journey by the way of Archangel and Murmansk would 
be much more desirable in the interest of the Czechs themselves. 
As Trotsky' indicated in a lecture delivered by him in the middle 
of June, and published in the Slovo Naroda on June 18th, 
the situation after the occupation of Vladivostock by the Japa- 
nese became such that the departure by way of Archangel and 
Murmansk was the only possible way out for the Czecho-Slovaks. 
Unfortunately, England and France dragged on the negotiations 
in this matter which had been begun by Russia. As irrefutable 
proofs have later demonstrated, the Entente agents, at that time 
chiefly French agents, were systematically preparing the Czecho- 
slovak revolt, while on the other hand they were arranging the 
counter-revolutionary government of the North of Russia and 
of certain parts of Siberia. Certain documents which fell into 
our hands later, contain precise data in regard to the activities 
of those French agents, supplied with very considerable sums 
of money, who scattered gold without stint. 

When the proposition had been made to England and France 
to hasten the return of the Czecho-Slovaks by the northern mari- 
time route, the English and the French Governments adopted in 
this connection a dilatory policy and dragged the matter on, 
week after week. In the meantime the Czecho-Slovaks occupied 
all railroad lines from Penza to Omsk, showing by their attitude 
their evidently hostile intentions with regard to the Russian 
Soviet Government. It was then that the latter, finding the 
situation irksome, took measures to free itself from the situa- 
tion, and demanded from the Czecho-Slovaks that they give up 
the greater part of their arms, leaving them a certain quantity 
of rifles assigned for every echelon. The Czecho-Slovaks now 



312 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

responded with a mutiny; they raised the banner of revolt, 
seizing at once the towns in which they were, which at that 
time were completely denuded of armed forces. The Czecho- 
slovaks made themselves at once masters of a very extensive 
region and of railroad lines that represent a vital necessity for 
communication between Russia and Siberia and for supplying 
the former with food, and began immediately, wherever they 
became masters, to overthrow the Soviet authorities and to re- 
place them by the old bourgeois and capitalist authorities. The 
Omsk newspaper, Delo Sihiri of June 29th and the Kourgansk 
magazine Svohadnaia Mysl published a declaration of the 
chief of the French mission to the Czecho-Slovak insurgents, 
M. Alphonse Guinet, in which in the name of the French em- 
bassy he officially thanks the Czecho-Slovaks for their acts di- 
rected against the Russian Soviet Republic. He said that the 
French representative had maintained for some time continuous 
relations with the Soviet authorities, but that from this moment 
on they had changed their attitude and would support the 
Czecho-Slovaks in their military activity. On June 4th, the rep- 
resentatives of the Entente in Moscow, and among them Mr. 
Maioni, declared in the name of Italy to the People's Commis- 
sary for Foreign Affairs that their governments regarded the 
Czecho-Slovaks as an allied army under the protection of the 
Entente powers, and that they would view their disarmament 
as an act of hostility against those governments. On June 12th, 
the Soviet Government answered to this declaration that the dis- 
armament of the Czecho-Slovaks could in no case be considered 
as a hostile act against the Entente powers, because Russia 
as a neutral power could not suffer on her territory armed forces 
not belonging to the armies of the Soviet Republic, and that 
the direct reason which made it absolutely necessary to disarm 
the Czechs was their counter-revolutionary insurrection, menac- 
ing with serious danger the safety of Soviet Russia. As the 
Soviet Government has explained in a note in question, the 
Czecho-Slovak insurrection started on May 26th at Tcheliabinsk, 
where they seized the railroad and stores of arms, overthrowing 
the Soviet authorities, and replacing them by counter-revolu- 
tionary authorities, which they afterwards repeated in Omsk, 
Novo-Nikolayevsk, later operating in intimate contact with the 
White Guards and with the former officers of the Czarist army. 
The Entente powers maintained their attitude of protection ac- 
corded to the counter-revolutionary Czech insurgents, asserting 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 313 

that the German Government had compelled Soviet Russia to 
adopt measures against them, whereas the German Government, 
on the contrary, began to pay attention to the actions of the 
Czechs only after their insurrection and after the Allies by their 
diplomatic action had transformed this question into a great po- 
litical question of an international order. 

Soon the whole region of the Czecho-Slovak occupation, 
which comprised an ever greater part of Siberia, became the 
field of a veritable orgy of the counter-revolution, of shooting 
and mass executions of workmen and peasants suspected of sym- 
pathies for the revolution, of summary massacres and court- 
martials sentencing to death by wholesale. Tens of thousands 
of workmen and peasants filled the prisons of that region. A 
most brutal and bloody counter-revolution, under the protection 
of the armed forces of the Entente, soon embraced that immense 
region where the Czecho-Slovaks had prepared the ground for 
it, as well as in the North of Russia, where the English battle- 
ships had paved the way, menacing moreover the very existence 
of the Russian Soviet Republic and the popular revolution of 
the workers and peasants of Russia. 

The activities of the Allied representatives became ever more 
systematic in inciting everywhere, where it was possible for 
them, riots, revolts, troubles, and in creating conspiracies, which 
they were able to do by generous distributions of money, thus 
paying for the most horrible crimes. Mr. Rene Marchand, cor- 
respondent of the Figaro, a person known to the president 
of the French Republic, Mr. Poincare, in a letter dated 
August 22nd (September 4th) which fell into the hands of 
the Soviet authorities during a house search, tells the fol- 
lowing: 

"A semi-official gathering which I had occasion to attend 
recently, revealed to me in a most unexpected fashion, so far 
as I am concerned, a secret operation of a most dangerous nature. 
I allude to a private gathering held at the former Consulate 
General of the United States on August 23 and 24, if I am not 
mistaken. The former Consul General of the United States, Mr. 
Poole, and our Consul General were present there. Allied 
agents whose names I don't recall but whom I did not know 
personally attended the meeting. 

'* Undoubtedly, I hasten to state it, neither the American nor 
the French Consuls General have ever themselves made the 
slightest allusion to any hidden work of destruction; but inci- 



314 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

dentally I have been made aware of such a practice through 
the conversations of agents present among them. 

*'I have thus learned that an English agent was preparing 
the destruction of the railroad bridge which passes over the 
river Volkhoff, before the station of Zvanka. Now it is neces- 
sary only to glance at the map in order to see that the destruc- 
tion of this bridge would be equivalent to the complete starving 
of Petrograd, which city would have found itself in fact cut off 
from any communication with the East, whence comes exclu- 
sively the grain of which it has already barely enough to live 
on. The author of the scheme himself recognized the full serious- 
ness of the consequences of such an action and declares that he 
does not know yet whether he could put his project into execu- 
tion. 

*^A French agent added to this proposition that he had al- 
ready attempted to blow up the bridge of Tcherepovetz, which 
would have had the same consequence so far as food supply of 
Petrograd is concerned as the destruction of the Zvanka bridge, 
Tcherepovetz being also on the only line which keeps Petrograd 
in communication with the Eastern regions. Besides, there was 
the question of derailing the trains on different lines. One 
agent explained also that he was assured of co-operation among 
railroad men which was valuable but would prevent the use of 
certain instruments of destruction, as the railroad men who had 
been won over would consent only to operate against trains vnth 
war materials." 

During the months of June, July, and August, everywhere in 
Russia, the agents of the Entente were fomenting insurrection. 
The Yaraslov riot took place after the visit of French officers. 
When the Commander-in-Chief Mouravieff revolted against the 
Soviet power, a proof was furnished to the government that he 
had received sums of money from England. All the mutinies 
that followed in various parts of Russia were plotted by invisible 
hands from a hidden center, and General Alexeieff, a professed 
partisan of England, whose subsidies furnish him with the 
means of existence, was named as the supreme chief of all the 
insurgents. 

All this period of conspiracies fomented by agents of the 
Entente culminated in a huge conspiracy prepared by the Eng- 
lish representative, Lockhart, who attempted to corrupt the Let- 
tish Guards of the Kremlin in order to seize Lenin and Trotsky, 
who, in his opinion, would have to be immediately shot, and to 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 315 

replace the Soviet Government by a military dictatorship in close 
contact with the Orthodox Church and with all the blackest 
forces of a most terrible reaction. The unshaken devotion of 
the valiant Lettish revolutionists saved the Russian people from 
the calamity of losing Lenin and Trotsky, against whom this 
kidnapping game was directed, and revealed to the world the 
crimes which the English representative was secretly preparing. 

The months of June, July, and August, 1918, constituted the 
most difficult period through which Soviet Russia has passed. 
The enemies hiding behind the corners attempted to stab from 
behind with a poisoned dagger the Russian Soviet Republic. All 
the forces of reaction working in the dark were set in motion, 
supported by a secret activity and the inexhaustible gold of the 
Entente. This was the moment when that which is called the 
red terror was developed in Soviet Russia. It was nothing but 
a case of elementary self-defense against the innumerable 
enemies who were assailing her from without and within. All 
the counter-revolutionary forces, former officers, capitalists, vil- 
lage usurers, did all in their power to join in overthrowing the 
revolutionary government of Russia in a union with the immense 
forces of the Entente and supported by the latter. Never indeed 
has the red terror attained the fabulous proportions that were 
assigned to it by the calumny which is rampant in the foreign 
press, never did any mass executions of former officers take 
place. In Petrograd, after the ex-officers were made to register, 
some of them who were dangerous were interned. In Moscow, 
the registered officers were released. The only mass execution, 
that of 500 persons in Petrograd, took place after the assassina- 
tion of Ouritzky and the attempt on the life of Lenin, when 
the Petrograd proletarians were expecting every moment an up- 
rising of the counter-revolutionary forces supported by the 
Entente. In Moscow, executions en masse have never taken 
place and all the death sentences passed in Moscow by the Ex- 
traordinary Commission during the entire past year barely 
exceed a total of one hundred. All the fantastic stories of mass 
shootings circulated by the international counter-revolutionary 
press belong to the domain of fable and there is no comparison 
between the number of these executions and the innumerable 
atrocities perpetrated by the bloody executioners of the counter- 
revolution in the regions of Allied occupation or by the army of 
Denikin in the South. 

AU the activity of the Entente against Soviet Russia, the 



316 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

invasion in the north, in the east, in the south and latterly in 
the west, had as its result the cutting off of the food supplies 
from Central Russia, that is from the Russian Soviet Republic 
where a workers* and peasants* revolution is maintaining itself. 
That is what is being called the economic encircling; it is the 
lack of food which is one of the means of the counter-revolu- 
tion by which it tries to force the Russian popular revolution 
to capitulate. Never has famine in Russia attained the fabulous 
proportions which were assigned to it by the campaign of 
calumnies which was systematically worked up during the past 
few months. Our situation as regards the food supply is dif- 
ficult and painful, and it is only with the greatest efforts that 
we succeed in maintaining some food allowances to the people. 
But notwithstanding the privations that we have to undergo, 
we have thus far been victorious in this painful trial. The 
valiant Red Army, whose condition is becoming better from 
day to day, whose discipline is a most exemplary one, and for 
which numerous courses for instructors are preparing, with an 
unusual rapidity, increasing numbers of revolutionary officers 
coming from the ranks of the workers and the peasants, has by 
its heroic actions reconquered for Soviet Russia certain fertile 
regions which had always supplied with food the Center and the 
North of European Russia, which are so poor in foodstuffs. Our 
military force is developing successfully to greater proportions, 
while it is defending us against enemies who are still being sup- 
ported by the Allied contingents and by the abundant war sup- 
plies furnished by them. 

But still now as before our constant desire is peace with all 
peoples. In order to be able to enjoy its benefits we are now 
as ever ready to make serious sacrifices, which are mentioned 
in our note of February 4th, addressed to the powers of the 
Entente. We propose real advantages to the commerce and 
industry of the Western countries ; we declare to the latter that 
their real interests will be served by the conditions which we 
propose. We believe that they ought for their own interest 
to consent to this and re-establish normal relations with us, so 
ardently desired by us. We hope that Italy, finally, which 
would seem to have no cause for hostility to Soviet Russia, will 
terminate its policy directed against us and will use her influ- 
ence in the international deliberations of the Powers in order 
to aid us in the re-establishment of normal and peaceful rela- 
tions with all the peoples and their governments, which is the 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 317 

object of our desires. What we wish is peace and we hope that 
the Entente Powers will at last accede to our desire. 
February 14, 1919. 

[136.] 

Text of Projected Peace Proposal prepared by Representa- 
tives of the Soviet Government, March 14, 1919.^ 

(Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States 
Senate, 66th Congress, 1919, p. 1248.) 

The allied and associated Governments to propose that hos- 
tilities shall cease on all fronts in the territory of the former 
Russian Empire and Finland on — [the date of the armistice 
to be set at least a week after the date when the allied and asso- 
ciated Governments make this proposal] — and that no new hos- 
tilities shall begin after this date, pending a conference to be 
held at — [the Soviet Government greatly prefers that the 
conference should be held in a neutral country and also that 
either a radio or a direct telegraph wire to Moscow should be put 
at its disposal] — on — [the conference to begin not later than a 
week after the armistice takes effect and the Soviet Government 
greatly prefers that the period between the date of the armistice 
and the first meeting of the conference should be only three days, 
if possible]. 

The duration of the armistice to be for two weeks, unless 
extended by mutual consent, and all parties to the armistice to 
undertake not to employ the period of the armistice to transfer 
troops and war material to the territory of the former Russian 
Empire. 

The conference to discuss peace on the basis of the following 
principles, which shall not be subject to revision by the 
conference. 

1. All existing de facto governments which have been set 
up on the territory of the former Russian Empire and Finland 
to remain in full control of the territories which they occupy at 

1 This paper was brought out from Russia by William C. Bullitt. Mr. 
Bullitt with Captain Walter Pettit of the Military Intelligence Division of 
the United States Army was sent to Petrograd by the American Com- 
mission to Negotiate Peace in the spring of 1919. The mission, accom- 
panied by Mr. Lincoln Stephens left Paris on February 22d and arrived 
in Petrograd March the 8th. After interviews with Soviet oflScials, Mr. 
Bullitt left Russia March 15th. Captain Pettit remained in Petrograd 
until March 31st. 



318 RUSSIAN-AIMERICAN RELATIONS 

the moment when the armistice becomes effective, except in so 
far as the conference may agree upon the transfer of territories : 
until the peoples inhabiting the territories controlled by these 
de facto governments shall themselves determine to change their 
Governments. The Russian Soviet Government, the other soviet 
governments and all other governments which have been set up 
on the territory of the former Russian Empire, the allied and 
associated Governments, and the other Governments which are 
operating against the soviet governments, including Finland, 
Poland, Galicia, Roumania, Armenia, Azerbaidjan, and Afghan- 
istan, to agree not to attempt to upset by force the existing de 
facto governments which have been set up on the territory of 
the former Russian Empire and the other Governments signa- 
tory to this agreement.^ 

2. The economic blockade to be raised and trade relations 
between Soviet Russia and the allied and associated countries 
to be re-established under conditions which will ensure that sup- 
plies from the allied and associated countries are made available 
on equal terms to all classes of the Russian people. 

3. The soviet governments of Russia to have the right of 
unhindered transit on all railways and the use of all ports which 
belonged to the former Russian Empire and to Finland and are 
necessary for the disembarkation and transportation of pas- 
sengers and goods between their territories and the sea ; detailed 
arrangements for the carrying out of this provision to be agreed 
upon at the conference. 

4. The citizens of the soviet republics of Russia to have the 
right of free entry into the allied and associated countries as 
well as into all countries which have been formed on the terri- 
tory of the former Russian Empire and Finland ; also the right 
of sojourn and of circulation and full security, provided they do 
not interfere in the domestic politics of those countries.^ 

Nationals of the allied and associated countries and of the 
other countries above named to have the right of free entry into 
the soviet republics of Russia; also the right of sojourn and of 

1 The allied and associated Governments to undertake to see to it that 
the de facto governments of Germany do not attempt to upset by force 
the de facto governments of Russia. The de facto governments which have 
been set up on the territory of the former Russian Empire to undertake 
not to attempt to upset by force the de facto governments of Germany. 

2 It is considered essential by the Soviet Grovernment that the allied 
and associated Governments should see to it that Poland and all neutral 
countries extend the same rights as the allied and associated countries. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 319 

circulation and full security, provided they do not interfere in 
the domestic politics of the soviet republics. 

The allied and associated Governments and other govern- 
ments which have been set up on the territory of the former 
Russian Empire and Finland to have the right to send official 
representatives enjoying full liberty and immunity into the 
various Russian Soviet Republics. The soviet governments of 
Russia to have the right to send official representatives enjoying 
full liberty and immunity into all the allied and associated 
countries and into non-soviet countries which have been formed 
on the territory of the former Russian Empire and Finland. 

5. The soviet governments, the other Governments which 
have been set up on the territory of the former Russian Empire 
and Finland, to give a general amnesty to all political oppo- 
nents, offenders, and prisoners. The allied and associated Gov- 
ernments to give a general amnesty to all Russian political 
opponents, offenders, and prisoners, and to their own nationals 
who have been or may be prosecuted for giving help to Soviet 
Russia. All Russians who have fought in, or otherwise aided 
the armies opposed to the soviet governments, and those opposed 
to the other Governments which have been set up on the terri- 
tory of the former Russian Empire and Finland, to be included 
in this amnesty. 

All prisoners of war of non-Russian powers detained in Rus- 
sia, likewise all nationals of those powers now in Russia to be 
given full facilities for repatriation. The Russian prisoners of 
war in whatever foreign country they may be, likewise all Rus- 
sian nationals, including the Russian soldiers and officers abroad 
and those serving in all foreign armies to be given full facilities 
for repatriation. 

6. Immediately after the signing of this agreement all troops 
of the allied and associated Governments and other non-Russian 
Governments to be withdrawn from Russia and military assist- 
ance to cease to be given to anti-soviet Governments which have 
been set up on the territory of the former Russian Empire. 

The soviet governments and the anti-soviet governments 
which have been set up on the territory of the former Russian 
Empire and Finland to begin to reduce their armies simultane- 
ously, and at the same rate, to a peace footing immediately after 
the signing of this agreement. The conference to determine the 
most effective and just method of inspecting and controlling this 
simultaneous demobilization and also the withdrawal of the 



320 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

troops and the cessation of military assistance to the anti-soviet 
governments. 

7. The allied and associated Governments, taking cognizance 
of the statement of the Soviet Government of Russia, in its note 
of February 4, in regard to its foreign debts, propose as an 
integral part of this agreement that the soviet government and 
the other governments which have been set up on the territory 
of the former Russian Empire and Finland shall recognize their 
responsibility for the financial obligations of the former Russian 
Empire, to foreign States parties to this agreement and to the 
nationals of such States. Detailed arrangements for the payment 
of these debts to be agreed upon at the conference, regard being 
had to the present financial position of Russia. The Russian 
gold seized by the Czecho-Slovaks in Kazan or taken from Ger- 
many by the Allies to be regarded as partial payment of the 
portion of the debt due from the soviet republics of Russia. 

The Soviet Government of Russia undertakes to accept the 
foregoing proposal provided it is made not later than April 
10, 1919. 

[137.] 

Translation of Credentials sent by L. C. A. K. Martens to 
the State Department, March 19, 19 19. 

(Hearing on Russian Propaganda before a Sub-committee of the Committee 
on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, 66th Congress, 1920, p. 14.) 

Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, 
People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, 
Office of the People's Commissar, January 2, 1919. 

No. 9/k. 

Moscow, corner of Spiridonovka and Patriarch's Lane, house 
No. 30/1. Telephone No. 4-22-96. 

It is hereby announced that Russian Citizen Ludwig Chris- 
tian Alexander Carlovitch Martens, who resides in the United 
States of America, is appointed the representative of the peo- 
ple's commissariat of foreign affairs in the United States of 
America. G. Chicherin, 

People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs. 

F. Shenkin, 
Acting Secretary of the Office. 
(Official seal of the people's commissariat for foreign affairs.) 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 321 



[138.] 

Memorandum sent to the State Department by 
L. C. A. K. Martens, March ig, igig. 

(Hearing on Russian Propaganda before a Sub-committee of the Committee 
on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, 66th Congress, 1920, p. 23.) 

RUSSIAN SOCIALIST FEDERAL SOVIET REPUBLIC — A MEMORANDUM TO 
THE STATE DEPARTMENT OP THE UNITED STATES FROM THE REP- 
RESENTATIVE IN AMERICA OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIALIST FEDERAL 
SOVIET REPUBLIC. 

[The government of the Russian socialist federal soviet republic on 
January 2, 1919, appointed as its representative in the United States Mr. 
L. A, Martens. On Wednesday, March 19, 1919, Mr. Martens sent his of- 
ficial credentials to the State Department in Washington. The credentials 
were accompanied by the following memorandum dealing with the inten- 
tions of the government of Russia, as well as with the internal affairs of 
that country.] 

The Russian socialist federal soviet republic was established 
on the 6th of November, 1917, by a spontaneous uprising of the 
toiling masses of Russia. Its government, the council of people 's 
commissaires, is a government controlled by and responsible to 
all such members of the population of Russia as are willing to 
perform useful work, physical or mental. Those who, while not 
being unable to work, deliberately refuse to exercise their pro- 
ductive abilities, choosing to live on the fruits of the labor of 
other people, are eliminated from participation in the control of 
my government. 

Under present conditions those who are willing to work for 
the common good number at least 90 per cent of the adult popu- 
lation in the area controlled by the Soviets. All such people have 
full political and civic rights. 

The basis for citizenship in Russia being industrial and eco- 
nomic rather than political, and the social system being of such 
a nature that every person engaged in useful social labor is 
bound to participate in public affairs, the percentage of people 
directly participating in the management of society in soviet 
Russia is higher than has been the case anywhere in the world 
hitherto. The Russian soviet republic affords thereby the widest 
possible field for a real expression of a conscious popular will. 
While the soviet government is a government of the working 
class, the abolition of exploitation of labor and the elimination 



322 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

thereby of class division creates a productive community in 
which all able inhabitants are bound to become useful workers 
who have full political rights. My government thus be- 
comes the expression of fully 100 per cent of the people. It 
should also be noted that political rights are granted in Rus- 
sia to every inhabitant engaged in useful work, even though 
he be not a citizen of Russia, but only temporarily working 
there. 

The Russian socialist federal soviet republic was rapidly ac- 
claimed by the vast majority of the laboring people throughout 
the former Empire of Russia. It has maintained itself in the 
face of manifold plots and opposition on the part of small groups 
of the former ruling classes, who in many cases enlisted foreign 
help and who employed the most unscrupulous methods in their 
fight against the soviet institutions. Yet nowhere in Russia 
could such elements of their own accord organize any noticeable 
resistance to the popular will as expressed by the soviet govern- 
ment. Only in sparsely populated outlying districts and in such 
of those districts where our opponents had access to foreign 
military help has it been possible for them to maintain any 
organized opposition and to wrest from the control of soviet 
Russia any territory. To-day, after 16 months of existence, the 
Russian soviet republic finds itself more securely established than 
at any previous time. 

During the current year the soviet government has been par- 
ticularly successful in retaking vast territories wrested from its 
control during the preceding months. By February, 1919, the 
soviet troops on the northern front had retaken the city of 
Shenkursk and adjoining territory. On the eastern front they 
have lost Perm, but they have regained Pereufa, Ufa, Ster- 
litamak, Bielebey, Orenburg, and Uralsk. The railroad connec- 
tion with central Asia is at present in the hands of the soviet gov- 
ernment. On the southern front they have taken the railroad sta- 
tions of Pavorino, Alexikovo, Polovaya, Kalatsk, and Bogutchar, 
which have assured them of a control over the railroads of that 
region, while on the southeastern front the Ukrainian soviet 
troops threaten the army of Krasnov from Ugansk in the rear. 
In the Ukraine the soviet troops have acquired Kharkov, 
Yekaterinoslav, Poltava, Krementchug, Tchernigov, and Obrutch. 
In the Baltic provinces and in Lithuania the soviet power has 
been extended over a great part of the territory formerly occu- 
pied by the Germans, with the large cities of Minsk, Vilna, 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 323 

Riga, Mitau, Dvinsk, Windau, and others in the control of 
adherents of the soviet. 

The last-mentioned successes are largely due to the fact that 
after the evacuation by the German armies of the territories 
wrested from Russia during the war and by the peace treaty 
of Brest-Litovsk, which the soviet republic was forced to sign 
under duress, the workers in such territories everywhere are ris- 
ing to support the ideals and the social order represented by 
the soviet republic. 

The resentment against the former ruling classes, who did 
not hesitate to invite foreign military help against their own 
people, has evinced itself in an ever-increasing popular support 
of the soviet government, even among such people as at first 
were either hostile or indifferent to the soviet rule. Men and 
women of literary or technical training and of intellectual ac- 
complishments are now in great numbers rallying to the support 
of the soviet government and co-operate with it in all admin- 
istrative branches. The peasantry of Russia, the great majority 
of whom from the very outset was in favor of the workers ' revo- 
lution, has become more consciously attached to our social sys- 
tem, realizing that in the support of the workers' republic lies 
the only guaranty for their remaining in control of the land 
which they have wrested from their former oppressors. The 
economic isolation of Russia, which so far has prevented the 
soviet government from adequately supplying the peasants with 
implements that they so badly need, is of course causing hard- 
ship among the peasantry: yet the peasants generally do not 
Xjlace the blame for this privation at the door of the soviet gov- 
ernment, well realizing that it is due to the deliberate inter- 
ference in the affairs of the Russian people by hostile groups, 
and that a remedy for this privation is not a weakening, but a 
strengthening, of the soviet power. They fully realize — and 
their experience in such instances where counter-revolutionary 
forces temporarily succeeded in overthrowing soviet institutions, 
clearly demonstrated the correctness of this realization — that an 
overthrow of the soviet rule, if possible at all, would lead to the 
establishment of a tyrannical, reactionary, bloody autocracy. 

The remarkable improvement in the internal situation of 
soviet Russia appears from the negotiations which the members 
of the former constituent assembly have begun with the soviet 
government. Representatives of the former constituent assem- 
bly, such as Chernov. Rakitnikov, Sviatitzki, Volski, Bourevoy, 



324 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Chernenkov, Antonov, all of whom are also members of the cen- 
tral committee of the social revolutionary party, recently arrived 
in Moscow to participate in a conference with the soviet govern- 
ment with the view of giving support to our republic. This con- 
ference has led to an understanding whereby these well known 
social revolutionists and former bitter opponents have ceased 
their opposition and declared themselves with great emphasis 
against the Entente intervention in Russia. 

An improvement of the soviet government's relations with the 
elements formerly hostile to it in Russian society is also indi- 
cated by the change of the attitude of the Mensheviki, whose 
conference has likewise protested against the Entente interven- 
tion. 

The army of the Russian socialist federal soviet republic has 
been successfully organized and numbers to-day over a million 
men. A system of universal military training has been in- 
augurated which steadily supplies the army with accessions, with 
the view of creating a force numbering, by the end of the cur- 
rent year, 3,000,000 men. The forces of the government are led 
partly by officers of the former Russian armies who have proved 
their allegiance to the soviet government, and partly by officers 
developed from the rank and file by the military educational in- 
stitutions established by my government. The commissariat of 
war has been successful in establishing and maintaining a strict 
discipline within the ranks of the army, a discipline not based 
on fear of punishment or on docile submission, but on the ardent 
conviction of the workers, from whose ranks the army is re- 
cruited, that it is their privilege as well as their duty to defend 
their social achievements against encroachments from any 
sources. This same conviction of the necessity of the defense 
of our revolutionary achievements has made it possible for us, 
in spite of all economic obstacles, efficiently to organize the pro- 
duction of military supplies. 

The soviet government inherited a legacy of utter financial 
disruption, created by four years of war and a year of revolu- 
tion. This state of affairs, and also the necessity of co-ordinating 
the financial system of Russia with the new industrial and eco- 
nomic system represented by my government, necessitated a com- 
plete reorganization of the financial institutions on the basis of 
common property rights. This reorganization, which aims at 
exchanging the money system for a system representing labor 
value, is still in the state of formation. Regardless thereof, the 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 325 

soviet government, in as far as financial relations with and obli- 
gations to other countries are concerned, is prepared to offer 
modes of financial transactions adapted to the financial system 
of other countries. 

The period preceding the establishment of the soviet govern- 
ment also badly disrupted the machinery of production and dis- 
tribution. The soviet government inaugurated a system of pub- 
lic control and ownership of industries. It has actually taken 
over many important branches of industry, and has established 
the control of the supreme council of national economy over all 
industries. Great handicaps have been faced because of the 
obstructionist methods of our opponents, lack of raw material 
and machinery, and because of the general confusion unavoid- 
ably coincident with the gigantic reorganization of the industrial 
life. In spite of these handicaps, various branches of industry 
have been re-established, even with an increase of productive 
efficiency. Many branches of industry, however, have not so far 
been able to recuperate, because of lack of raw material and 
lack of machinery. The needs of such industries offer a wide 
field for business transaction with Russia by other countries. 

The state of railroad communications at the outset of the 
soviet regime was very unsatisfactory. The demands first of the 
demobilization of the old army and later of military operations 
against counter-revolutionary attacks taxed the capacity of our 
railroads and left little opportunity for reconstruction work in 
this field. The soviet government during the past year never- 
theless has managed to build and to complete the building of 
about 2,000 versts of new railroads. It has also paid great at- 
tention to the construction of other means of communication, 
such as canals, roads, etc., and is at the present time planning 
work along these lines on a large scale, which will also offer 
great opportunities for foreign trade. The people of Russia, 
shut off for hundreds of years from the sources of popular edu- 
cation, have made it one of the main tasks of my government 
to reorganize the school system with the view of the greatest 
possible achievements in the field of popular education. In this 
respect extensive work has been carried on throughout Russia 
during the past year. Tens of thousands of new primary schools, 
vocational schools, workers' universities, and lecture courses, 
especially courses offering agricultural instruction, have been 
established and maintained at great expense on the part of the 
soviet government, and the field of the educational activities 



326 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

has been extended to include the making of the treasures of the 
arts and sciences as easily accessible to the people as possible. 

All these efforts, incomplete as they still are, have neverthe- 
less given the Russian people sufficient evidence of the earnest- 
ness of the desire and of the ability of the soviet government 
to fill the needs of the population and they have greatly con- 
tributed to the abatement of opposition. Inasmuch as opposition 
has ceased in the form of active resistance to the soviet govern- 
ment, it has become possible to lighten such extraordinary 
measures as censorship, martial law, etc. 

Much prejudice has been created against the soviet govern- 
ment by the circulation of false reports about the nature of the 
institutions of and the measures undertaken by soviet Russia. 
One of the most frequent allegations has been that the rule of 
the Soviets is one of violence and murder. In this connection 
I want to call your attention to the following passages in the 
note sent to the President of the United States on the 24th of 
December, 1918, by Maxim Litvinoff, on behalf of the soviet 
government in Russia: 

* * . . . The chief aim of the Soviets is to secure for the 
toiling majority of the Russian people economic liberty, without 
which political liberty is of no avail to them. For eight months 
the Soviets endeavored to realize their aims by peaceful methods, 
without resorting to violence, adhering to the abolition of capital 
punishment, which abolition had been part of their program. It 
was only when their adversaries, the minority of the Russian 
people, took to terroristic acts against popular members of the 
government, and invoked the help of foreign troops, that the 
laboring masses were driven to acts of exasperation and gave 
vent to their wrath and bitter feelings against their former op- 
pressors. For allied invasion of Russian territory not only com- 
pelled the Soviets against their own will to militarize the country 
anew and to divert their energies and resources, so necessary 
to the economic reconstruction of Russia, exhausted by four 
years of war, to the defense of the country, but also cut off the 
vital sources of foodstuffs and raw materials, exposing the popu- 
lation to the most terrible privation, bordering on starvation. 

** . . . I wish to emphasize that the so-called red terror, 
which is so grossly exaggerated and misrepresented abroad, was 
not the cause, but the direct outcome and result, of allied inter- 
vention. The Russian workers and peasants fail to understand 
how foreign countries, which never dreamt of interfering with 



. DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 327 

Russian affairs when czarist barbarism and militarism ruled 
supreme, and which even supported that regime, can feel justi- 
fied in intervening in Russia now, when the working people 
themselves, after decades of strenuous struggling and countless 
sacrifices, have succeeded in taking the power and destiny of 
their country into their own hands, aiming at nothing but their 
own happiness and international brotherhood, constituting no 
menace to other nations/' 

In another passage of the same note Mr. Litvinoff states as 
follows : 

* * . . . The best means for the termination of violence in 
Russia would be to reach a settlement which would include the 
withdrawal of all foreign troops from Russia and the cessation 
of direct or indirect assistance to such groups in Russia as still 
indulge in futile hopes of an armed revolt against the workers* 
government, but who by themselves alone would not think of such 
a possibility if they could not reckon on assistance from 
abroad.*' 

The great work of social reconstruction inaugurated by the 
soviet government as the executors of the people's will has been 
hampered by the necessity of military defense against the oppo- 
nents of our republic, and by the economic isolation of soviet 
Russia, which has been one of the weapons of their attacks, to- 
gether with deliberate disruption of our means of communication 
with important food centers, as well as destruction of food 
stores; and all this has greatly increased the sufferings of our 
people. By tremendous efforts and by efficient consolidation of 
all economic means at its disposal, my government has been able 
to stave off the worst features of this situation. The fact that 
economic disruption, together with starvation, and lack of even 
the bare necessities of life, prevails so poignantly, and all the 
more in such parts of the former Russian Empire as have been 
for some time in the hands of the opponents of our republic 
and which have had contact with the outside world, clearly testi- 
fies that the soviet rule is much more capable of insuring means 
of existence to the people than any pretenders to the power in 
Russia. 

In view of all that is stated above, I venture to say that the 
soviet government ha^ given all such proofs of stability, per- 
manence, popular support, and constructive ability as ever have 
been required from any Government in the world as a basis for 
political recognition and commercial intercourse. I am confident 



328 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONE 

that people outside of Russia are becoming as convinced as the 
Russian people themselves of the futility of efforts to overthrow 
the soviet government. Such efforts lead only to unnecessary 
bloodshed, and, if successful in any part of Russia, lead to the 
temporary establishment of a bloody, monarchical autocracy, 
which cannot maintain itself and even the temporary existence 
of which will lead to bloodshed and misery. 

Fully realizing that the economic prosperity of the world at 
large, including soviet Russia, depends on uninterrupted inter- 
change of products between various countries the soviet govern- 
ment of Russia desires to establish commercial relations with 
other countries, and especially with the United States. The 
soviet government is prepared at once to buy from the United 
States vast amounts of finished products, on terms of payment 
fully satisfactory to the parties concerned. My government also 
desires to reach an agreement in respect to export from Russia 
of raw material needed by other countries and of which consid- 
erable surpluses exist in Russia. In order to re-establish the 
economic integrity of Russia and to insure uninterrupted com- 
mercial relations, the Russian workers and peasants, as Mr. 
Litvinoff stated in the above quoted note, **are prepared to go 
any length of concessions as far as the real interests of other 
countries are concerned, of course with the understanding that 
no agreements entered into should impair the sovereignty of the 
Russian people, as expressed by the Russian socialist federal 
soviet republic.*' 

On the part of the Russian socialist federal soviet republic 
there thus exist no obstacles to the establishment of proper 
relations with other countries, especially with the United States. 
The soviet government of Russia is willing to open its doors to 
citizens of other countries for peaceful pursuit of opportunity, 
and it invites any scrutiny and investigation of its conditions, 
which I feel sure will prove that peace and prosperity in Russia 
— and elsewhere, in as far as the prosperity of Russia affects 
other countries — may be attained by the cessation of the present 
policy of non-intercourse with the soviet Russia, and by the estab- 
lishment of material and intellectual intercourse. 

Russia is now prepared to purchase in the American market 
great quantities of the following commodities, commensurate 
with the needs of 150,000,000 people : Railroad supplies, agricul- 
tural implements and machinery^ tools, mining machinery and 
supplies, electrical supplies, printing machinery, textile manu- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 329 

factures, shoes and clothing, fats and canned meats, rubber 
goods, typewriters and office supplies, automobiles and trucks, 
chemicals, medical supplies, etc. 

Russia is prepared to sell the following commodities: Flax, 
hemp, hides, bristles, furs, lumber, grain, platinum, metals, and 
minerals. 

The Russian government, in the event of trade being opened 
with the United States, is prepared to place at once in banks 
in Europe and America, gold to the amount of $200,000,000, 
to cover the price of initial purchases. 

To insure the basis for credits for additional Russian pur- 
chases in the United States, I suggest that detailed negotiations 
with my government will evolve propositions fully acceptable 
for this purpose. 

I am empowered by my government to negotiate for the 
speedy opening of commercial relations for the mutual benefit 
of Russia and America, and I shall be glad to discuss details 
at the earliest opportunity. 

L. A. Martens, 
Representative in the United States of the 
Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic. 

S. NUORTEVA, 

Secretary of the Bureau of the Representative. 

[139.] 

Letter from Dr. Nansen to President Wilson, April 3, 1919. 

(Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States 
Senate, 66th Congress, 1919, Senate Doc. 106, p. 1264.) 

Paris, April 3, 1919. 
My dear Mr. President: 

The present food situation in Russia, where hundreds of 
thousands of people are dying monthly from sheer starvation 
and disease, is one of the problems now uppermost in all men's 
rninds. As it appears that no solution of this food and disease 
question has so far been reached in any direction, I would like 
to make a suggestion from a neutral point of view for the al- 
leviation of this gigantic misery on purely humanitarian 
grounds. 

It would appear to me possible to organize a purely hu- 
manitarian commission for the provisioning of Russia, the food- 



330 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

stuffs and medical supplies to be paid for, perhaps, to some 
considerable extent by Russia itself, the justice of distribution 
to be guaranteed by such a commission, the membership of the 
commission to be comprised of Norwegian, Swedish, and possi- 
bly Dutch, Danish, and Swiss nationalities. It does not appear 
that the existing authorities in Russia would refuse the inter- 
vention of such a commission of wholly non-political order, 
devoted solely to the humanitarian purpose of saving life. If 
thus organized upon the lines of the Belgian Relief Commission, 
it would raise no question of political recognition or negotia- 
tions between the Allies with the existing authorities in Russia. 

I recognize keenly the large political issues involved, and I 
would be glad to know under what conditions you would approve 
such an enterprise and whether such commission could look for 
actual support in finance, shipping, and food and medical sup- 
plies from the United States Government. 

I am addressing a similar note to Messrs. Orlando, Clemen- 
ceau, and Lloyd George. Believe me, my dear Mr. President, 

Yours most respectfully, 

Fridjop Nansen. 
His Excellency the President, 
11 Place des Etats-Unis, Paris. 

[140.] 

Reply of President Wilson, Premiers Clemeinceau, Lloyd- 
George, and Orlando to Dr. Nansen, April 17, igig. 

(Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States 
Senate, 66tli Congress, 1919, Senate Doc. 106, p. 1269.) 

Bear Sir: 

The misery and suffering in Kussia described in your letter 
of April 3 appeals to the sympathies of all peoples. It is shock- 
ing to humanity that millions of men, women, and children lack 
the food and the necessities which make life endurable. 

The Governments and peoples whom we represent would be 
glad to co-operate, without thought of political, military, or 
financial advantage, in any proposal which would relieve this 
situation in Russia. It seems to us that such a commission as 
you propose would offer a practical means of achieving the benefi- 
cent results you have in view, and could not, either in its con- 
ception or its operation, be considered as having any other aim 
than the ** humanitarian purpose of saving life.'' 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 331 

There are great difficulties to be overcome, political difficul- 
ties, owing to the existing situation in Russia, and difficulties 
of supply and transport. But if the existing local governments 
of Russia are as willing as the Governments and people whom we 
represent to see succor and relief given to the stricken peoples 
of Russia, no political obstacle will remain. 

There will remain, however, the difficulties of supply, finance, 
and transport wiiich we have mentioned, and also the problem 
of distribution in Russia itself. The problem of supply we can 
ourselves hope to solve, in connection with the advice and co- 
operation of such a commission as you propose. The problem 
of finance would seem to us to fall upon the Russian authorities. 
The problem of transport of supplies to Russia we can hope to 
meet with the assistance of your own and other neutral govern- 
ments whose interests should be as great as our own and whose 
losses have been far less. The problems of transport in Russia 
and of distribution can be solved only by the people of Russia 
themselves, with the assistance, advice, and supervision of your 
commission. 

Subject to your supervision, the problem of distribution 
should be solely under the control of the people of Russia them- 
selves. The people in each locality should be given, as under 
the regime of the Belgian Relief Commission, the fullest oppor- 
tunity to advise your commission upon the methods and the 
personnel by which their community is to be relieved. In no 
other circumstances could it be believed that the purpose of this 
relief was humanitarian, and not political ; under no other con- 
dition could it be certain that the hungry would be fed. 

That such a course would involve cessation of all hostilities 
within definitive lines in the territory of Russia is obvious. And 
the cessation of hostilities would, necessarily, involve a complete 
suspension of the transfer of troops and military material of all 
sorts to and within Russian territory. Indeed, relief to Russia 
which did not mean a return to a state of peace would be futile 
and would be impossible to consider. 

Under such conditions as we have outlined, we believe that 
your plan could be successfully carried into effect, and we should 
be prepared to give it our full support. 

V. E. Orlando. 
D. Lloyd George. 
WooDRow Wilson. 
G. Clemenceau. 



332 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

[141.] 

The Soviet Government's Reply to the Nansen Offer. 

(New York 'Station, November 8, 1919.) 

5/7/19. 

To Mr. Frit j of Nansen, 
Hotel Continental, 
Paris. 
Sir: 

Your very kind message of April 17, containing your ex- 
change of letters with the Council of Four, reached us only 
on May 4 by way of the Nauen wireless station, and was at 
once given to the People's Commissariat of Social Welfare for 
thorough examination. I wish in the name of the Russian 
Soviet Government to convey to you our heartiest thanks for 
the warm interest you manifest in the well-being of the Rus- 
sian people. Great indeed are the sufferings and privations 
inflicted upon the Russian people by the inhuinan blockade of 
the Associated and so-called neutral Powers and by the inces- 
sant wars forced upon it against its will. If left in peace and 
allowed free development, Soviet Russia would soon be able 
to restore her national production, to regain her economic 
strength, to provide for her own needs, and to be helpful to 
other countries. But in the present situation in which she has 
been put by the implacable policy of the Associated Powers, help 
in foodstuffs from abroad would be most welcome to Russia, and 
the Russian Soviet Government appreciates most thankfully your 
human and heartfelt response to her sufferings, and, considering 
the universal respect surrounding your person, will be especially 
glad to enter into communication with you for the realization 
of your scheme of help, which you emphasize as being purely 
humanitarian. 

On this basis of a humanitarian work of help to suffering 
people, we would be desirous to do everything in our power to 
further the realization of your project. Unfortunately your 
benevolent intentions, which you yourself indicate as being 
based upon purely humanitarian grounds, and which, according 
to your letter, must be realized by a commission of wholly non- 
political character, have been mixed up by others with political 
purposes. In the letter addressed to you by the four Powers 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 333 

your scheme is represented as involving cessation of hostilities 
and of transfer of troops and war material. We regret very 
much that your original intentions have thus been fundamentally 
disfigured by the Governments of the Associated Powers. We 
need not explain to you that military operations which obviously 
have in view to change the external or internal conditions of 
the involved countries, belong wholly to the domain of politics, 
and that likewise cessation of hostilities, which means preventing 
the belligerent who has every reason to expect successes from 
obtaining them, is also a purely political act. Thus your sin- 
cerely charitable intentions have been misused by others in order 
to cover such purposes which are obviously political, with the 
semblance of an action originally humanitarian only. Being 
ready to lend every assistance to your scheme, so far as it bears 
the character you have ascribed to it in your letter, we at the 
same time do not wish to be the objects of foul play ; and know- 
ing that you in the same degree as ourselves mean business and 
wish really to attain the proposed aim, we would like to ask 
you whether this intermixture of heterogeneous purposes has 
been finally adopted by yourself. We expect that we will be 
able to make it clear to you that in order to realize your inten- 
tions this intermixture must be carefully avoided. You are no 
doubt aware that the cessation of the wars forced upon the Rus- 
sian people is likewise the object of our most warm desire. It 
must be known to you that we have many times proposed to 
the Associated Governments to enter into negotiations in order 
to put an end to the present bloodshed, and that we have even 
agreed to take part in the conference at Prinkipo, notwithstand- 
ing the extremely unfavorable conditions proposed to us, and 
also that we were the only party to accept it. We responded 
in the same peace-loving sense to overtures made by one of the 
Great Powers. The Prinkipo conference was frustrated not by 
us but by our adversaries, the protegees of the Associated Powers, 
the counter-revolutionary Governments of Kolchak, Denikin, 
and the others. 

These are the tools with the help of which the Entente Gov- 
ernments are waging war upon us and are endeavoring to attain 
our destruction; and wherever they are victorious their victory 
means the triumph of the most extreme barbarity and bestiality, 
streams of blood, untold sufferings for the laboring masses, and 
domination of the wildest reaction. Kolchak from the east, 
Denikin from the south, the Rumanian feudals, the most reac- 



334 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

tionary Polish and Finnisli militarists, the German barons, and 
Esthonian White Guards from the west, and Russian White 
Guard bands from the north — these are the enemies whom the 
Entente Governments move against Soviet Russia, and against 
whom as against Entente troops we are carrying on a desperate 
struggle with ever growing success. The so-called Governments 
of Kolchak and Denikin are purely monarchical; all power be- 
longs there to the wildest adherents of Czarism ; extreme 
Czarist papers are in every way supported by them; Czarist 
hymns are constantly sung at their ceremonies; the so-called 
Constitution of Kolchak is in reality monarchical; among their 
soldiers they distribute only Czarist literature. Under the 
domination of Denikin the adherents of the Constituent As- 
sembly are imprisoned or shot. Pogrom-making literature is 
being widely distributed by these so-called Governments, and 
whenever Jews come under their domination they are the object 
of the most horrible bestialities. In the west, the Polish legion- 
aries and the troops of the Ukrainian counter-revolutionary 
Petlura, who are both supported and even directed by Entente 
officers, have perpetrated such massacres of Jews, which by far 
surpass the most horrible misdeeds of the Black Hundreds of 
old Czarism. As the Russian Red Cross in its appeal to the 
International Red Cross on April 28 elaborately states, whole 
villages, whole towns, were turned to ruins. Neither sex nor age 
was spared, and in numerous places the whole Jewish population 
was literally wiped out by these troops headed by Entente gen- 
erals and officers. In the realms of Kolchak and Denikin every- 
thing that was gained by the peasants through the revolution is 
being taken back from them. Kolchak declares solemnly in his 
manifestoes that peasants must not have in their possession land 
taken by force from the nobility ; he orders in his decrees that the 
seizure of the land of the gentry by the peasants should be prose- 
cuted as a serious crime ; he crushes the resistance of the peasants 
by wholesale massacres during which in some parts of Siberia many 
thousands of peasants were killed en masse. For the worker 
his domination means every possible persecution, oppression, 
wholesale arrests, and in many cases wholesale shootings, so that 
in some towns the workers were simply wiped out by the enraged 
ex-Czarist officers who are at the head of Kolchak 's troops. The 
horrors perpetrated by these Kolchak officers defy every descrip- 
tion, and their victims are innumerable, including all that is 
progressive, all that is free-thinking in Siberia. Inebriated 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 335 

officers are torturing, flogging, tormenting in every way the un- 
fortunate laboring population under their dominion, and to be 
a worker means to be predestined to be the object of their 
brutalities. 

These are the adversaries against whom we are engaged in a 
desperate struggle, and whom the Associated Governments are in 
every way supporting, providing them with war material, food- 
stuffs, financial help, military commanders, and political ad- 
visers, and on the north and east fronts sending their own troops 
to help them. In the hands of these barbarous bands Entente 
rifles and Entente cannon are sending death to the Russian 
workers and peasants struggling for their life and liberty. The 
same Entente Governments are the real source of the military 
supplies with the help of which our Polish, Rumanian, Finnish, 
and other adversaries from the west are uninterruptedly attack- 
ing us, and it was officially declared in the French Chamber of 
Deputies and in the British House of Commons that the policy 
of the Entente is now to send against Soviet Russia the armies 
of these nationalities. An American radio of May 6, sent from 
Lyons, says most emphatically that the Entente encourages the 
movement of the troops headed by the Russian counter-revolu- 
tionary general Judenitch, which presumably threaten Petro- 
grad; that the Entente expects that the Bolsheviki will be 
forced to withdraw to Moscow, and that the Associated Govern- 
ments intend in connection herewith to abandon your plan of 
revictualling Russia. While declaring that they have abandoned 
the idea of intervention, the Associated Governments are in 
reality carrying on the most reckless interventionist policy, and 
even the American Government, despite all the statements to 
the contrary published in the American press, seems at present 
to be wholly dominated by the implacable hostility of the Clem- 
enceau Ministry against Soviet Russia. 

This being the case we are in a position to discuss cessation of 
hostilities only if we discuss the whole problem of our relations 
to our adversaries — that is, in the first place, to the Associated 
Governments. That means to discuss peace, and to open real 
negotiations bearing upon the true reasons for the war waged 
upon us, and upon those conditions that can bring us lasting 
peace. We were always ready to enter into peace negotiations, 
and we are ready to do it now as before. We will be glad to 
begin discussing these questions, but, of course, directly with 
the other belligerents — that is, with the Associated Governments 



336 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

or else with the persons empowered by the latter. But it is, of 
course, impossible for us to make any concessions referring to 
these fundamental problems of our existence under the disguise 
of a presumably humanitarian work. This latter must remain 
purely humanitarian and non-political, and in this sense we will 
welcome every proposal from your side made to us in the spirit 
of your letter sent by you to the Council of Four on April 3. 
To these wholly non-political proposals we respond most gladly. 
We thank you most heartily for your good intentions. We are 
ready to give you every possibility of controlling the realization 
of such a humanitarian scheme. We will, of course, cover all the 
expenses of this work and the cost of the foodstuffs ; and we can 
pay, if you desire, with Russian goods. But seeing that your 
original plan has been so unfortunately disfigured, and consid- 
ering that the most complex and difficult questions thus created 
must first be thoroughly elucidated, we would suggest that you 
take the necessary steps to enable delegates of our Government 
to meet you and your collaborators abroad, and to discuss those 
questions, and we ask you kindly to indicate the time and the 
place for this conference between our delegates and the leaders 
of your Commission, and what guarantees can be obtained for 
the free passage of our delegates through countries influenced by 
the Entente. 

Chicherin, 
People ^s Commissary of Foreign Affairs. 



[142.] 

Statement by Secretary Lansing conveying recognition of 

Finland, May 7, 1919.^ 

{New York Times, May 8, 1919.) 

In view of the fact that the people of Finland have estab- 
lished a representative Government, the Government of the 
United States of America declares that it recognizes the Gov- 
ernment so constituted as the de facto Government of an inde- 
pendent Finland. 

1 A similar announcement had been made on behalf of Great Britain in 
the House of Commons the day before. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 337 



[143-] 

Note from the Supreme Council to Admiral Kolchak, 

May 26, 1 919. 

(2few York Times, June 13, 1919.) 

The Allied and Associated Powers feel that the time has come 
when it is necessary for them once more to make clear the policy 
they propose to pursue in regard to Russia. 

It has always been a cardinal axiom of the Allied and Asso- 
ciated Powers to avoid interference in the internal affairs of 
Russia. Their original intervention was made for the sole pur- 
pose of assisting those elements in Russia which wanted to con- 
tinue the struggle against German autocracy and to free their 
country from German rule, and in order to rescue the Czecho- 
slovaks from the danger of annihilation at the hands of the 
Bolshevist forces. 

Since the signature of the armistice on November 11, 1918, 
they have kept forces in various parts of Russia. Munitions 
and supplies have been sent those associated with them at a very 
considerable cost. No sooner however did the peace conference 
assemble than they endeavored to bring peace and order to Rus- 
sia by inviting representatives of all the warring Governments 
within Russia to meet them in the hope that they might be able 
to arrange a permanent solution of the Russian problem. 

This proposal and the later offer to relieve the suffering mil- 
lions of Russia, broke down through the refusal of the Soviet 
government to accept the fundamental condition of suspending 
hostilities while negotiations for the work of relief were pro- 
ceeding. 

Some of the Allied and Associated Governments are now 
being pressed to withdraw their troops and to incur no further 
expense in Russia on the ground that continued intervention 
shows no prospect of producing an early settlement. They are 
prepared however to continue their assistance on the lines laid 
down below, provided they are satisfied that it will really help 
the Russian people to liberty, self-government and peace. 

The Allied and Associated Governments now wish to declare 
formally that the object of their policy is to restore peace within 
Russia by enabling the Russian people to resume control of their 
own affairs through the instrumentality of a freely elected con- 



338 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

stituent assembly, and to restore peace along its frontiers by- 
arranging for the settlement of disputes in regard to tbe 
boundaries of the Russian State and its relations with its neigh- 
bors through the peaceful arbitration of the League of Nations. 

They are convinced by their experience of the last twelve 
months that it is not possible to attain these ends by dealing 
with the Soviet Government of Moscow. They are therefore dis- 
posed to assist the government of Admiral Kolchak and his asso- 
ciates with munitions, supplies, and food to establish themselves 
as the government of all Russia, provided they receive from them 
definite guarantees that their policy has the same object in view 
as the Allied and Associated Powers. 

With this object they would ask Admiral Kolchak and his 
associates whether they would agree to the following as the con- 
ditions under which they would accept continued assistance 
from the Allied and Associated Powers. 

In the first place as soon as they reach Moscow that they 
will summon a constituent assembly elected by a free, secret, and 
democratic franchise, as the supreme legislature for Russia, to 
which the government of Russia must be responsible, or, if at 
that time order is not sufficiently restored, they will summon 
the Constituent Assembly, elected in 1917, to sit until such time 
as new elections are possible. 

Secondly, — that throughout the areas which they at present 
control they will permit free elections in the normal course for 
all free and legally constituted assemblies, such as municipali- 
ties, Zemstvos, etc. 

Thirdly, — that they will countenance no attempt to revive 
the special privilege of any class or order in Russia. The Allied 
and Associated Powers have noted with satisfaction the solemn 
declaration made by Admiral Kolchak and his associates, that 
they have no intention of restoring the former land system. 
They feel that the principles to be followed in the solution of 
this and other internal questions must be left to free decision 
of the Russian Constituent Assembly. But they wish to be 
assured that those whom they are prepared to assist stand for 
the civil and religious liberty of all Russian citizens and will 
make no attempt to re-introduce the regime which the revolution 
has destroyed. 

Fourthly, — that the independence of Finland and Poland 
be recognized, and that in the event of the frontiers and other 
relations between Russia and these countries not being settled by 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 339 

agreement, they will be referred to the arbitration of the League 
of Nations. 

Fifthly, — that if a solution of the relations between Esthonia, 
Latvia, Lithuania, and the Caucasian and Trans-Caspian terri- 
tories and Russia is not speedily reached by agreement, the 
settlement will be made in consultation and co-operation with the 
League of Nations, and that until such settlement is made, the 
government of Russia agrees to recognize these territories as 
autonomous and to confirm the relations which may exist between 
their de facto Governments and the Allied and Associated Gov- 
ernments. 

Sixthly, — that the right of the Peace Conference to determine 
the future of the Rumanian part of Bessarabia be recognized. 

Seventhly, — that as soon as a government for Russia has been 
constituted on a democratic basis, Russia should join the League 
of Nations and co-operate with other members in the limitation 
of armaments and military organization throughout the world. 

Finally, — that they abide by the declaration made by Ad- 
miral Kolchak on November 27, 1918, in regard to Russia's 
national debt.^ 

The Allied and Associated Powers will be glad to learn as 
soon as possible whether the government of Admiral Kolchak 
and his associates is prepared to accept these conditions, and 
also whether in the event of acceptance they will undertake to 
form a single government and army command as soon as the 
military situation makes it possible. 

G. Clemenceau. 
Lloyd George. 
Orlando. 

WooDROw Wilson. 
Saionji. 

1 (Russian Bonds Hearing before the Committee on Expenditures in the 
State Department on H. R. 132, Part I, 1919.) 

The Chairman: — In this resolution it is charged that the bond-holders 
have used their influence and are still attempting to influence the retention 
of American troops in Russia, to the end that some agreement may be 
reached with whatever government is established there to recognize these 
bonds and to pay the principal and interest of the same. What do you 
know about that? 

Mr. Polk: — ^No one has ever spoken to the department on the subject 
and it has not been necessary because we are as convinced as we can be 
that no government tan exist in Russia that does not recognize its inter- 
national obligations, and even the Bolshevik government has stated that it 
would recognize Russia's international obligations, so that it is not a live 
question. 



340 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



[I44-] 

Admiral Kolchak*s Reply to the Supreme Council, 

Jime 4, 1919. 

{New York Times, June 14, 1919.) 

The Government over which I preside has been happy 
to learn that the reply, as made public to-night, in regard to 
Russia, is in perfect accordance with the task which the Rus- 
sian Government itself has undertaken, that government being 
anxious above all things to re-establish peace in the country and 
to assure our destiny in freedom by means of a constituent 
assembly. I appreciate highly the interest shown by the powers 
as regards the national movement and consider their wish to 
make certain the political convictions with which we are in- 
spired as legitimate. I am therefore ready to confirm once 
more my previous declarations which I have always regarded 
as irrevocable. 

1. On November 18, 1918, 1 assumed power and I should not 
retain that power one day longer than required by the interests 
of the country ; my first thought at the moment when the Bol- 
sheviki are definitely crushed will be to fix the date for the elec- 
tions of the Constituent Assembly. A commission is now at 
work on direct preparation for them on the basis of universal 
suffrage. Considering myself as responsible for that Constituent 
Assembly I shall hand over to it all my powers in order that 
it may freely determine the system of government ; I have, how- 
ever, taken the oath to do this before the Supreme Russian Tri- 
bunal, the guardian of legality. 

All my efforts are aimed at concluding the civil war as soon 
as possible by crushing Bolshevism in order to put the Russian 
people in a position to express its free will. Any prolongation 
of the struggle would only postpone that moment; the Govern- 
ment, however, does not consider itself authorized to substitute 
for the inalienable right of free and legal elections the mere 
establishment of the Assembly of 1917, which was elected under 
a regime of Bolshevist violence, and a majority of whose mem- 
bers are now in the ranks of the Soviet. It is through the 
legally elected constituent assembly alone which my Government 
will do its utmost to convoke properly, that there would 
belong the sovereign rights of deciding the problems of the 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 341 

Russian State both in the internal and external affairs of the 
country. 

2. We gladly consent to discuss at once with the powers all 
international questions, and in doing so shall aim at the free 
and peaceful development of the peoples, the limitation of 
annaments and the measures calculated to prevent new wars, 
of which the League of Nations is the highest expression. 

The Russian Government thinks however that it could recall 
the fact that the final sanction of the decisions which may be 
taken in the name of Russia will belong to the Constituent 
Assembly. Russia cannot now and cannot in the future ever be 
anything but a democratic state where all questions involving 
modifications of the territorial frontiers and of external relations 
must be ratified by a representative body which is the national 
expression of the people's sovereignty. 

3. Considering the creation of a unified Polish State to be 
one of the chief of the normal and just consequences of the 
world war, the Government thinks itself justified in confirming 
the independence of Poland proclaimed by the Provisional Rus- 
sian Government of 1917, all the pledges and decrees of which 
we have accepted. The final solution of the question of delimit- 
ing the frontiers between Russia and Poland must however in 
conformity with the principles set forth here above, be post- 
poned until a meeting of the Constituent Assembly. We are 
disposed at once to recognize the de facto government of Fin- 
land, but the final solution of the Finnish institution must belong 
to the Constituent Assembly. 

4. We are fully disposed at once to prepare for the solution 
of the questions concerning the fate of the national groups in 
Esthonia, Letonia, Lithuania, and of the Caucasian and trans- 
Caucasian countries, and we have every reason to believe that 
a prompt settlement will be made, seeing that the Government is 
assuring at the present time the autonomy of the various na- 
tionalities. It goes without saying that the limits and conditions 
of these autonomous institutions will be settled separately as 
regards each. 

Even in the case difficulties should arise in regard to the 
solution of these various institutions the Government is ready 
to have recourse to the collaboration and good offices of the 
League of Nations with a view of arriving at a satisfactory set- 
tlement. 

5. The above principle implying the ratification of the 



342 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

agreements by the Constituent Assembly, should obviously be 
applied to the question of Bessarabia. 

6. The Russian Government once more repeats its declara- 
tion of the 27 November, 1918, by which it accepted the burden 
of the national debt of Russia. 

7. As regards the question of internal politics which can 
only interest the Powers in so far as they reflect the political 
tendencies of the Russian Government, I make a point of repeat- 
ing that there cannot be a return to the regime which existed in 
Russia before February, 1917. The provisional solutions which 
my Government has adopted in regard to the agrarian questions 
aim at satisfying the interests of the great mass of the popula- 
tion and are inspired by the conviction that Russia can only be 
flourishing and strong when the millions of Russian peasants 
receive all guarantees for the possession of the land. 

Similarly as regards the regime to be applied to the liberated 
territories the Government, far from fearing obstacles in the way 
of the free elections of local assemblies, municipalities, and 
Zemstvos, regards the activities of these bodies and also the 
development of the people in self-government as the necessary 
conditions for the reconstruction of the country, and is already 
actually giving them its support by all the means at its disposal. 

8. Having set themselves the task of re-establishing order 
and justice and insuring individual security to the population 
which is tired of trials and exactions, the Government affirms 
the equality before the law of all citizens without any special 
privilege (omission here) all shall receive without distinction of 
origin or religion, the protection of the state and of the law. 

The Government whose head I am, is concentrating all the 
forces and all the reserves at its disposal in order to accomplish 
the task which it has set itself; and at this decisive hour I speak 
in the name of all national Russia. I am confident that Bol- 
shevism once crushed, satisfactory solutions would be found for 
all questions which equally concern all those populations whose 
existence is bound up with that of Russia. 

KOLCHAK. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 343 

[145.] 

Acknowledgment by Supreme Council of Admiral 
Kolchak*s Reply, June 12, 19 19. 

{New York Times, Jime 13, 1919) 

The Allied and Associated Powers wish to acknowledge the 
receipt of Admiral Kolchak's reply to their note of May 26. 
They welcome the terms of that reply, which seem to them to 
be in substantial agreement with the propositions they had made 
and to contain satisfactory assurances for the freedom and self- 
government of the Russian People and their neighbors. 

They are therefore willing to extend to Admiral Kolchak and 
his associates the support set forth in their original letter. 

(signed) Lloyd George. 

Wilson. 
Clemenceau. 
Making. 

[146.] 

Reply of President Wilson to a Senate Resolution concerning 
the American troops in Siberia, June 26, 1919. 

{State Department Russia/n Series, No. Jf, p. 5.) 

For the information of the Senate and in response to the 
resolution adopted June 23, 1919, requesting the President to 
inform the Senate, if not incompatible with the public interest, of 
the reasons for sending United States soldiers to Siberia, the 
duties that are to be performed by these soldiers ; how long they 
are to remain and generally to advise the Senate of the 
policy of the United States Government in respect to Siberia 
and the maintenance of United States soldiers there, I have the 
honor to say that the decision to send American troops to Si- 
beria was announced to the press on August 5, 1918, in a state- 
ment from the acting Secretary of State. 

This measure was taken in conjunction with Japan and in 
concert of purpose with the other Allied Powers, first of all to 
save the Czechoslovak armies which were threatened with 
destruction by hostile armies apparently organized by, and often 



344 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

largely composed of, enemy prisoners of war. The second pur- 
pose in view was to steady any efforts of the Russians at self- 
defense, or the establishment of law and order in which they 
might be willing to accept assistance. 

Two regiments of Infantry with auxiliary troops, about 
8,000 effectives, comprising a total of approximately 10,000 men, 
were sent under the command of Major General William S. 
Graves. The troops began to arrive at Vladivostok in September, 
1918. 

Considerably larger forces were dispatched by Japan at 
about the same time, and much smaller forces by other of the 
Allied Powers. The net result was the successful reunion of the 
separated Czechoslovak armies, and the substantial elimination 
in Eastern Siberia of the active efforts of enemy prisoners of 
war. A period of relative quiet then ensued. 

In February, 1919, as a conclusion of negotiations begun 
early in the summer of 1918, the United States accepted a plan 
proposed by Japan for the supervision of the Siberian Railways 
by an international committee, under which committee Mr. John 
F. Stevens would assume the operation of the Russian Railway 
Service corps. In this connection it is to be recalled that Mr. 
John F. Stevens, in response to a request of the Provisional 
Government of Russia, went to Russia in the spring of 1917. 
A few months later he was made official adviser to the Minister of 
"Ways of Communication at Petrograd under the Provisional 
Government. 

At the request of the Provisional Government, and with the 
support of Mr. John F. Stevens, there was organized the so-called 
Russian Railway Service corps, composed of American engineers. 

As originally organized the personnel of this corps consti- 
tuted fourteen skeleton division units as known in this country, 
the idea being that these skeleton units would serve as practical 
advisers and assistants in fourteen different sections of the Si- 
berian Railway, and assist the Russians by their knowledge of 
long haul problems as known in this country, and which are the 
rule and not the exception in Siberia. 

Owing to the Bolshevist uprising, and the general chaotic 
conditions, neither Mr. Stevens nor the Russian Railway Service 
corps was able to begin work in Siberia until March, 1918. 
They have been able to operate effectively only since the railway 
plan was adopted in February, 1919. 

The most recent report from Mr. Stevens shows that on parts 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 345 

of the Chinese Eastern and Tmns-Baikal Railway he is now 
running six trains a day each way, while a little while ago they 
were only able to run that many trains per week. 

In accepting the Railway Plan (in February, 1919), it was 
provided that some protection should be given by the Allied 
forces. Mr. Stevens stated frankly that he would not undertake 
the arduous task before him unless he could rely upon support 
from American troops in an emergency. Accordingly, as pro- 
vided in the railway plan and with the approval of the Inter- 
Allied committee, the military commanders in Siberia have es- 
tablished troops where it is necessary to maintain order at differ- 
ent parts of the line. 

The American forces under General Graves are understood 
to be protecting parts of the line near Vladivostok and also in 
the section around Verkhne-Udinsk. There is also understood 
to be a small body of American troops at Harbin. The exact 
location from time to time of American troops, is, however, sub- 
ject to change by the direction of General Graves; 

The instructions to General Graves direct him not to inter- 
fere in Russian affairs, but to support Mr. Stevens wherever 
necessary. The Siberian Railway is not only the main artery 
for transportation in Siberia, but it is the only open access to 
European Russia to-day. The population of Siberia whose re- 
sources have almost been exhausted by the long years of war 
and the chaotic conditions which have existed there, can be pro- 
tected from a further period of chaos and anarchy only by the 
restoration and maintenance of traffic on the Siberian Rail- 
way. 

Partisan bands under leaders having no settled connection 
with any organized government, and bands under leaders whose 
allegiance to any settled authority is apparently temporary and 
transitory are constantly menacing the operation of the Rail- 
way and the safety of its permanent structure. 

The situation of the people of Siberia, meantime, is that they 
have no shoes or warm clothing; they are pleading for agricul- 
tural machinery, and for many of the simpler articles of com- 
merce upon which their own domestic economy depends, and 
which are necessary to fruitful and productive industry among 
them. Having contributed their quota to the Russian armies 
which fought the Central Empires for three and one half years, 
they now look to the Allies and to the United States for economic 
assistance. 



346 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

The populations of Western Siberia and the forces of Ad- 
miral Kolchak are entirely dependent upon those railways. 

The Russian authorities in this country have succeeded in 
shipping large quantities of Russian supplies to Siberia and the 
Secretary of War is now contracting with the great co-operative 
societies which operate throughout European and Asiatic Russia 
to ship further supplies to meet the needs of the civilian popu- 
lation. The Kolchak Government is also endeavoring to arrange 
for the purchase of medical and other Red Cross supplies from 
the War Department, and the American Red Cross is itself 
attempting the forms of relief for which it is organized. 

All elements of the population in Siberia look to the 
United States for assistance. This assistance cannot be given to 
the population of Siberia, and ultimately to Russia, if the pur- 
pose entertained for two years to restore railway traffic is aban- 
doned. The presence of American troops is a vital element in 
this effort. The services of Mr. Stevens depend upon it, and, a 
point of serious moment, the plan proposed by Japan expressly 
provides that Mr. Stevens and all foreign railway experts shall 
be withdrawn when the troops are withdrawn. 

From these observations it will be seen that the purpose of 
continuance of American troops in Siberia is that we, with the 
concurrence of the great Allied Powers, may keep open a neces- 
sary artery of trade, and extend to the vast population of Siberia 
the economic aid essential to it in peace time, but indispensable 
under the conditions which have followed the prolonged and 
exhausting participation by Russia in the war against the Cen- 
tral Powers. 

This participation was obviously of incalulable value to the 
Allied cause, and in a very particular way commends the ex- 
hausted people who suffered from it. to such assistance as we 
can render to bring about their industrial and economic re- 
habilitation. 



[147-] 

Protest from Russian Soviet Government to the State Depart- 
ment, received through Sv^redish Channels, June 24, 1919. 

{New York Times, July 2, 1919.) 

The Commissariat for Foreign Affairs has learned with indig- 
nation of the arrest of Mr. Martens, its representative, in New 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 347 

York. The Commissariat wishes to point out that all the Diplo- 
matic and Consular representatives of the American Government 
in Russia, up to the departure in September last, have been 
treated by the Soviet authorities with the utmost courtesy, in 
spite of the fact that since June of last year the American Gov- 
ernment openly sided with all the Russian and foreign dark 
forces, ranged against the workers and peasants of Russia with 
the sole object of crushing the great revolution and restoring the 
Czarist and bureaucratic capitalistic rule. 

Even after American troops had landed on Russian territory 
and actively partaken in military operations against the Russian 
laboring people, not a single American citizen has been molested 
in Russia. Moreover American officials and journalists have been 
_ allowed admittance into Russia and accorded every courtesy and 
all possible facilities and privileges. The arrest of Mr. Martens 
is the more surprising and unjustifiable, as he acted openly as 
the representative of Soviet Russia without calling forth any 
objection or protestation on the part of the American Govern- 
ment. 

The Russian Government feels that his arrest may not be 
an isolated case, but form part of a general persecution of Rus- 
sian citizens loyal to their people 's Government and demands the 
cessation of such persecutions and immediate release of Mr. 
Martens. 

The Soviet Government expects to be accordingly informed 
at an early date and not to be compelled reluctantly to take 
reprisals against American citizens to be found on Russian ter- 
ritory. TCHICHBRIN, 
People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs. 

[148.] 

Reply to Russian Protest cabled by Mr. Phillips, Assistant 
Secretary of State to American Legation at Stockholm, 
July I, 1919. 

{New York Times, July 2, 1919.) 

Please inform proper Swedish authorities at once as follows : 
The statement purporting to emanate from Moscow is wholly 
untrue. Mr. Martens has not been arrested, nor does this Gov- 
ernment contemplate any action against law-abiding Russian 
citizens in this country. It is understood that Mr. Martens 



348 KUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

claims official status as the representative of a regime at Moscow 
which the United States has not recognized as a Government. 
At the same time he is a German citizen, having voluntarily so 
declared himself when he entered this country in 1916. 

This Government has not forgotten the unwarrantable arrest 
and detentions for months of Consul Tredwell and the illegal 
and unjustifiable imprisonment under severe hardships of Vice 
Consuls Durri and Leonard, contrary to the fundamental prac- 
tice of civilized nations. Nor has it forgotten that an American 
citizen, Kalamatiano, has been held in prison at Moscow for 
months under sentence of death without proper trial and without 
opportunity for his Government to assist him. 

The Government of the United States now views with grave 
concern the reported threat of the authorities at Moscow to take 
further illegal measures in the form of reprisals against Ameri- 
can citizens in Russia. 

Such a course if taken would be certain to arouse in the 
United States an overwhelming public sentiment of indignation 
against the authorities at Moscow responsible for such acts. 



[149.] 

Letter from Secretary Lansing to the Lithuanian National 
Council, on the Question of Recognition, October 15, 1919. 

{New York Times, February 10, 1920.) 

State Department, 
Washington, October 15, 1919. 
Gentlemen: 

The Department has received your letters of October 2 and 9, 
1919, on the subject of the provisional recognition of Lithuania. 

The question of the future status of Lithuania has been given 
careful consideration. As you are aware, the Government of the 
United States is traditionally sympathetic with the national 
aspirations of dependent peoples. On the other hand, it has 
been thought unwise and unfair to prejudice in advance of the 
establishment of orderly, constitutional government in Russia 
the principle of Russian unity as a whole. 

Accordingly, when the President, in common with the other 
heads of the allied and associated Governments, proffered Ad- 
miral Kolchak aid in bringing about in Russia a situation con- 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 349 

ducive to the establishment of orderly, constitutional govern- 
ment it was especially stipulated, inter alia, that failing an im- 
mediate agreement between Lithuania and the new Russian Gov- 
ernment an arrangement would be made in consultation and co- 
operation with the League of Nations and that, pending such 
an arrangement, Russia must agree to recognize Lithuania as 
autonomous and to confirm the relations which might exist be- 
tween the local Government of Lithuania and the allied and as- 
sociated Governments. 

Copies of the note to Admiral Kolchak and his reply are 
enclosed for your information. 

It is believed that this arrangement assures the autonomous 
development of Lithuania, together with the other nationalities 
comprised within the former Russian Empire and wisely leaves 
to a future adjustment the determination of the relations which 
shall exist between them and the new Russian Government. 

I am confident your council will recognize the justice of this 
attitude. 

I am, Gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant, 

Robert Lansing. 

[150.] 

Note from the Allies to the German Govermnent, inviting 
Germany to participate in the Blockade of Bolshevik 
Russia. 

{New York Times, October 31, 1919.1) 

The President of the Peace Conference has been requested 
by the Conference to inform the neutral Governments of a deci- 

1 The same paper contains a London dispatch dated October 30, as 
follows : 

" A wireless dispatch received from Berlin says Germany's reply to 
the Entente declines to participate in a blockade of Soviet Russia, because 
Germany does not believe the blockade would achieve the desired purpose. 

" The dispatch adds that Germany, however, is prepared to assist in 
any measures against Bolshevism which are calculated to obtain the desired 
end. 

" The German note argues that coercive measures by foreign countries 
are regarded in Russia as serving the interests of reaction, which is hated 
by all Russian democratic elements more than Bolshevism. Therefore, it 
is to be feared that a blockade will only produce favorable ground for the 
growth of Bolshevism. 

" The note also points out that according to the articles of the League 
of Nations, circumstances at the present time would not justify a blockade." 



350 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

sion taken by the Supreme Council of the allied and associated 
powers in regard to economic pressure which is to be exercised 
on Bolshevist Russia. 

The German Government is asked to take measures similar to 
those indicated. 

The avowed hostility of the Bolsheviki toward all Govern- 
ments and their international program of revolution which they 
are spreading abroad constitute grave danger for the national 
security of all powers. Every increase of strength of the Bol- 
sheviki would increase the danger and would be contrary to the 
desire of all peoples who are seeking to re-establish peace and 
social order. 

It is in this spirit that the allied and associated Governments, 
after studying the commercial relations with Bolshevist Russia, 
find these relations, indeed, could only be effected through the 
agency of the chiefs of the Bolshevist Government, who, dispos- 
ing at will of the products and resources which commercial lib- 
erty would bring them, would thereby achieve considerable 
increase in their tyrannical strength, which they are exercising 
over the Russian population. 

Under these conditions the allied and associated Governments 
request the Swedish, Norwegian, Danish, Dutch, Finnish, 
Spanish, Swiss, Mexican, Chilean, Argentinian, Colombian, and 
Venezuelan Governments to be good enough to make an immedi- 
ate agreement with them in measures to prevent their na- 
tionals from engaging in any commerce with Bolshevist Rus- 
sia and to assure that this policy will be rigorously 
executed. 

To refuse clearance papers to every ship going to Russian 
ports in the hands of Bolshevists or coming from said 
ports. 

To establish similar measures for all merchandise destined to 
be sent to Bolshevist Russia by any other route. 

To refuse passports to all persons going to Bolshevist Russia 
or coming from it, except through understanding with the 
allied and associated Governments. 

It is the disposition, with a view to preventing banks from 
doing business with Bolshevist Russia, as far as possible to re- 
quest refusal by each Government to its own nationals of facili- 
ties for correspondence with Bolshevist Russia by post, telegraph, 
or wireless. 

The British and French warships in the Gulf of Finland 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 351 

shall continue to change the route of ships bound for ports of 
Bolshevist Russia.^ 

Reply by Mr. Phillips, Assistant Secretary of State, to 
Senator Wadsworth, November 4, 19 19. 

{State Department Russian Series, No. 2.) 

In reply to your letter of October 20, 1919, concerning the 
so-called blockade of Petrograd, I beg to inform you that so far 
as the United States is concerned, no blockade exists. It is the 
present policy of this Government, however, to refuse export 
licenses for shipments to Russian territory under Bolshevik con- 
trol and to refuse clearance papers to American vessels seeking 
to depart for Petrograd, the only remaining Bolshevik port. As 
you are aware, these measures cannot be continued after the 
ratification of peace unless there is new legislation. 

The policy of non-intercourse with territory under Bolshevik 
control is based chiefly on two considerations. It is the declared 
purpose of the Bolsheviks in Russia to carry revolution through- 
out the world. They have availed themselves of every oppor- 
tunity to initiate in the United States a propaganda aimed to 
bring about the forcible overthrow of our present form of Gov- 
ernment. 

They have at their disposition in Russia a large quantity of 
gold, being partly a residue of the former Russian gold reserve 
and partly a reserve of gold belonging to the Rumanian 
Government which was stored in Moscow for safe-keeping at the 
time of the German advance into Rumania. It is considered 
important that the Bolsheviks should not be given the means 
through commercial transactions to bring this gold into the 
United States where it could be used to sustain their propaganda 
of violence and unreason. 

The second consideration relates to the control which the 
Bolsheviks exercise over the distribution of necessities. All for- 
eign trade has been *' nationalized. '^ This means that there can 
be no dealing except with the Bolshevik authorities. Moreover, 
since the fall of 1918 the Bolsheviks have maintained a system 
of discrimination in the distribution of food. The population 
is divided into categories along occupational and class lines, and 

1 In the Note sent to neutral states the final paragraph was omitted. 



352 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

receives food, so far as food may be available, in accordance with 
a scale which is adjusted with a view to the maintenance of the 
Bolsheviks in power and the fulfillment of their program for the 
extinction of the middle classes. 

The rations given to members of the Red Army is estimated, 
in the official Bolshevik gazette of February 6, 1919, to be three 
times the average for the several categories of the civil popula- 
tion. It has seemed altogether inadmissible that food and other 
necessities of American origin should be allowed to become the 
means of sustaining such a program of political oppression. 

The Government has not been unmindful of the material 
distress of many innocent people within the Bolshevik lines. An 
attempt was made laist spring to provide for the relief of these 
people through the co-operation of a neutral commission to be 
headed by Dr. Nansen. The project failed because the Bol- 
sheviks declined to agree to the cessation of hostilities which was 
considered an indispensable prerequisite. 

The Department of State has subsequently studied other 
means by which necessities might be provided for the people of 
Central Russia without being used for purposes of political con- 
straint and also class destruction. No feasible project has yet 
been found, but the problem continues to receive attention. 

In the meantime provision has been made for the immediate 
relief of the people in any areas which may be freed from Bol- 
shevik control as a result of current military operations. Stores 
of food estimated to be adequate for the relief of Petrograd for 
nearly one month were delivered to Russians by the American 
Relief Administration and are now at Viborg, Finland, whence 
they can be transported to Petrograd whenever that city may 
come under the control, of authorities with whom it is possible 
to deal. 

Definite arrangements have, moreover, been made with the 
United States Grain Corporation to provide further shipments 
of flour for this region, in the event of its liberation, and for the 
people in the north of Russia, which is under the control of a 
democratic government. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 353 

Resolution of Congress of Soviets, December 5, 1919. 

(The New York Nation, January 17, 1920.) 

The Russian Socialist Federative Republic of Soviets desires 
to live at peace with all people, and to devote all its strength to 
internal constructive work, in order to perfect the production, 
transport, and public administration on the basis of a Soviet 
regime, to the work which has hitherto been hindered by the 
pressure of German imperialism and subsequently by the En- 
tente intervention and the starvation blockade. 

The Government of Workers and Peasants has many times 
proposed peace to the Entente Powers, notably on August 5, 
1918, by means of a letter from the People's Commissariat for 
Foreign Affairs to the American Consul, Mr. Poole; on Octo- 
ber 24 by a note to President Wilson ; on November 3 to all the 
Entente Governments, by the intermediary of representatives 
of neutral countries; on November 7 in the name of the Sixth 
Congress of Soviets; on December 23 by a circular note ad- 
dressed by Citizen Litvinov to the Entente representatives in 
Sweden, and subsequently by wireless messages on January 12 
and 17, 1919 ; by a note to the Entente Governments on Febru- 
ary 24; by a draft agreement drawn up on March 12 with Mr. 
Bullitt, President Wilson's delegate; and by a declaration made 
on May 7 by the intermediary of Mr. Nansen. 

Completely approving these repeated steps, w^hich have been 
taken by the Central Executive Committee, by the Council of 
People's Commissars, and by the People's Commissariat for 
Foreign Affairs, the Seventh Congress of Soviets once again con- 
firms its unchanging desire for peace by proposing once more to 
all the Entente Powers — to Great Britain, France, the United 
States of America, Italy, and Japan, to all together and to each 
separately — immediately to commence peace negotiations, and 
charges the Executive Committee, the Council of People's Com- 
missars and the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs sys- 
tematically to continue this peace policy, taking all necessary 
measures for its success. 

Kalinin, President. 
AvANEssov, Secretary. 



354 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 



[153-] 

Letter from Secretary Lansing to the Lithuanian Executive 
Committee, January 7, 1920. 

(New York Tvmes,^ February 10, 1920.) 

State Department, 
Washington, January 7, 1920. 
Gentlemen: 

The receipt is acknowledged of your letter of December 30, 
1919, by which you advise the Department that the so-called Pro- 
visional Government of the Republic of Lithuania has consti- 
tuted your committee its diplomatic agent in the United States, 
and that your committee is prepared to perform all acts which 
are usually performed by the Embassies or Legations of For- 
eign Governments, in so far as this can be done consistently with 
the fact that the so-called Provisional Government of Lithuania 
has not been recognized by the United States. 

You are informed that the Government of the United States 
not having recognized the so-called Provisional Government of 
Lithuania, it is not possible to attribute to your committee any 
diplomatic character. 

The Government of the United States appreciates the diffi- 
cult situation in which many Lithuanians find themselves as a 
result of the disruption of the Russian Government and is dis- 

1 A Washington dispatch dated February 9 in the same issue says: 
" The fact that the documents are given out at this time is regarded 
as strongly indicating that the American Government's policy is being so 
shaped as to discourage any movement for the dismemberment of Russia, 
and that except as to the setting up of Finland and Poland as new Gov- 
ernments, the Government at Washington does not intend to recognize any 
of the many so-called republics or other Governments that have been set 
up within what was formerly the Russian Empire. 

" Something like seventeen so-called Governments have been set up 
within what was formerly Russia in Europe and Asia. Among them are 
the so-called Governments of Esthonia, Livonia, Lithuania, Ukrainia, 
Georgia, Azerbaijain, and Eastern Karelia. A number of these new * repub- 
lics ' have been seeking recognition from the United States. President 
Wilson and Secretary Lansing think it unwise and unfair to prejudice in 
advance of the establishment of orderly, constitutional Government in 
Russia, the principle of Russian unity as a while. For that reason they 
do not intend to accord recognition to anj' of these ' republics ' other than 
Finland and Poland — which are recognized in the Treaty of Versailles — 
any more than they intend to grant recognition to the so-called Soviet 
Government." 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 355 

posed to go to the utmost practicable limits to relieve them from 
its inconveniences. In the matter of passports it has been pro- 
vided that persons of Lithuanian origin may depart from the 
United States on affidavits of identity and nationality, approved 
by the State Department in lieu of passports, when accompanied 
by the usual permits of departure. 

The Department is glad to deal informally with individuals 
and groups of individuals which are acting disinterestedly in 
behalf of the Lithuanian people or any portion of them. Your 
committee, in common with other representative Lithuanian 
bodies, may therefore count upon the consideration of the De- 
partment in all matters which it may have occasion to take up 
with it, within the limitations set forth above. 

I am, Gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant, 

Robert Lansing. 



[154.1 

Statement by the Secretary of State regarding the With- 
drawal of American Military Forces from Siberia, Janu- 
ary 16, 1920. 

(New York Times, January 17, 1920.) 

Decision of the United States Government to withdraw its 
troops from Eastern Siberia was announced by the Department 
of State to-day. Under instructions from his Government, the 
Japanese Ambassador at Washington, on December 8, invited the 
attention of the Secretary of State to the recent unfavorable 
development of the situation in Siberia, and inquired whether 
the United States proposed to maintain the status quo or to 
proceed to entire or partial withdrawal of its troops, or whether 
it was ready to send reinforcements in case of need. 

Note to Japan. 

The Secretary of State has communicated to the Japanese 
Ambassador the decision of this Government. The full text of 
the communication follows: 

The Government of the United States has given the most 
careful consideration to the subject matter of the communication 
from the Japanese Government which was read to the Secretary 



356 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

of State by the Japanese Ambassador on the 8th day of Decem- 
ber, and which concerns the recent unfavorable development of 
the military situation with which Admiral Kolchak's forces have 
been confronted, and which proposes three alternative courses 
for the allied and associated powers to take. 

The Government of the United States agrees that for it to 
send a reinforcement of sufficient strength and to act on the 
offensive in co-operation with anti-Bolshevist forces is imprac- 
ticable. 

The Government of the United States believes that for it to 
continue to participate in guarding the districts now under 
allied military protection is also, under present conditions, im- 
practicable, for the reason that an agreement to send reinforce- 
ments to such extent as may be required, with a view to maintain 
the status quo, might involve the Government of the United 
States in an undertaking of such indefinite character as to be 
inadvisable. The amount of reinforcement, which might become 
necessary for the execution of such an agreement might be so 
great that the Government of the United States would not feel 
justified in carrying it out. 

Consideration has been given, therefore, to the alternative 
presented by the Government of Japan of entire or partial with- 
drawal. It will be recalled that the purposes of the expedition, 
as originally conceived by the United States and expressed in an 
aide memoire handed to the Japanese Ambassador at Washing- 
ton, July 17, 1918, were, first, to help the Czechoslovak troops, 
which had during their retirement along the Siberian railway 
been attacked by the Bolsheviki and enemy prisoners of war in 
Siberia, to consolidate their forces and effect their repatriation 
by way of Vladivostok, and second, to steady any efforts at self- 
government or self-defense, in which the Russians themselves 
might be willing to accept assistance. 

Not only are the Czechoslovak troops now successfully ad- 
vancing into Eastern Siberia, but an agreement has been effected 
between the Governments of Great Britain and the United States 
providing for their repatriation from Vladivostok. American 
vessels will begin to arrive at that port by February 1 and a 
contingent of more than 10,000 Czechoslovak troops can be im- 
mediately embarked. It is expected that evacuation will proceed j 
rapidly thereafter and from that date the first purpose for which | 
American soldiers were sent to Siberia may be regarded as ac- 
complished. 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 357 

With respect to the second purpose, namely, the steadying 
of efforts at self-government or self-defense on the part of the 
Russians, the Government of the United States is impressed 
with the political instability and grave uncertainties of the 
present situation in Eastern Siberia as described in the aide 
memoire presented by the Japanese Ambassador December 8, 
and is disposed to the view that further military effort to assist 
the Russians in the struggle toward self-government may, in the 
present situation, lead to complications which would have exactly 
the opposite effect, prolonging possibly the period of readjust- 
ment and involving Japan and the United States in ineffective 
and needless sacrifices. It is felt accordingly to be unlikely that 
the second purpose for which American troops were sent to 
Siberia will be longer served by their presence there. 

In view, then, of the fact that the main purposes for which 
American troops were sent to Siberia are now at an end, and 
of the considerations set forth in the communication of the Japa- 
nese Government of December 8, which subsequent events in 
Eastern Siberia have strengthened, the Government of the 
United States has decided to begin at once arrangements for the 
concentration of the American forces at Vladivostok with a view 
to their embarkation and departure immediately after the leav- 
ing of the first important contingent of Czechoslovak troops, that 
is to say, about Febniary 1. 

Careful consideration has also been given to the possibility 
of continuing, after the departure of the American troops, the 
assistance of American railway experts in the operation of the 
Trans-Siberian and Chinese Eastern Railways. It will be re- 
called that it is expressly stipulated in the plan for the super- 
vision of these railways, which was submitted by the Japanese 
Ambassador at Washington, January 15, 1919, that the arrange- 
ment should cease upon the withdrawal of the foreign military 
forces from Siberia, and that all foreign railway experts ap- 
pointed under the arrangement should then be recalled forth- 
with. 

The experience of recent months in the operation of the 
railways under conditions of unstable civil authority and fre- 
quent local military interference furnishes a strong reason for 
abiding by the terms of the original agreement. Arrangements 
will be made accordingly for the withdrawal of the American 
railway experts under the same conditions and simultaneously 
with the departure of the American military forces. 



358 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

The Government of the United States desires the Japanese 
Government to know that it regrets the necessity for this deci- 
sion, but it seems to mark the end, for the time being at least, 
of a co-operative effort by Japan and the United States to assist 
the Russian people, which had of late begun to bear important 
results and seemed to give promise for the future. The Govern- 
ment of the United States is most appreciative of the friendly 
spirit which has animated the Government of Japan in this 
undertaking, and is convinced that the basis of understanding 
which has been established will serve in the future to facilitate 
the common efforts of the two countries to deal with the prob- 
lems which confront them in Siberia. The Government of the 
United States does not in the least relinquish the deep interest 
which it feels in the political and economic fate of the people of 
Siberia nor its purpose to co-operate with Japan in the most 
frank and friendly way in all practical plans which may be 
worked out for the political and economic rehabilitation of that 
region. 

It is suggested that the Government of Japan may desire 
to communicate to the other principal allied and associated Gov- 
ernments the substance of the aide memoire of December 8th. 
This Government will likewise make known to them the sub- 
stance of the present communication. 



-^55.] 

Announcement by the Supreme Council on Trade with 
Russia, January 16, 1920. 

{New York Times, January 17, 1920.) 

With a view to remedying the unhappy situation of the 
population in the interior of Russia, which is now deprived of 
all manufactured products from outside of Russia, the Supreme 
Council, after taking note of the report of a committee appointed 
to consider the reopening of certain trade relations with the 
Russian people, has decided that it would permit the exchange 
of goods on the basis of reciprocity between the Russian people 
and allied and neutral countries. 

For this purpose it decided to give facilities to the Russian 
co-operative organizations which are in direct touch throughout 
Russia so that they may arrange for the import into Russia of 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 359 

clothing, medicines, agricultural machinery and the other neces- 
saries of which the Russian people are in sore need, in exchange 
for grain, flax, etc., of which there is a surplus supply. 

These arrangements imply no change in the policies of the 
allied Governments toward the Soviet Government. 

V 

Supreme Councirs Note to the Representatives of the Russian 
Central Co-operative Union regarding the Partial Lifting 
of the Blockade, January 26, 1920. 

{New York Times, January 27, 1920J'^-— 

First — The allied Governments notify the Co-operative Union 
that they are disposed to authorize an exchange of 
products upon a basis o^ reciprocity between the Rus- 
sian people and the allied and neutral countries, and 
they invite this union to export from Russia the sur- 
plus of its cereals, its foodstuffs and its raw materials 
with a view to exchanging them for clothing and other 
merchandise, of which Russia is in need. 

It should be well understood that the value of the 
merchandise, the importation of which into Russia 
will be authorized, will be based on the value of the 
merchandise exported from Russia within a reasonable 
period. 

Second — The Russian delegation at Paris will communicate im- 
mediately by wireless with the controlling committee 
at Moscow and will ask it if the co-operatives are 
ready to assume responsibility for handling these im- 
portations and these exportations, and if exchanges of 
this sort are practically possible. The representatives 
of the co-operatives at Moscow will determine immedi- 
ately these questions. 

Third — The Central Committee at Moscow will guarantee that 
the exportation of cereals, flax, etc., shall be authorized 
and that the necessary transportation facilities shall 
be furnished. 

Fourth — As soon as certainty is reached in this matter the Cen- 
tral Committee at Moscow will inform Berkenheim 
(Alexander Berkenheim, Vice President of the AU- 
Russian Union of Consumers^ Societies) at Paris. 



360 RUSSIAN- AMERICAN RELATIONS 

Fifth — The co-operative unions in foreign countries ■will then 
take measure to furnish Russian cereals and flax on 
condition that the co-operatives shall be advanced 25 
per cent, of the value of the exports, either by direct 
contact or by British, French, or Italian financiers. 

Sixth — The balance of necessary credits will be furnished in 
London or Paris by Russian resources or British, 
French, or Italian co-operatives, private banks, or 
traders. 

Seventh — Goods purchased by the above credits will be loaded 
immediately in Black Sea or Baltic ports, risks of loss 
or conflagration being assumed by the Russian co- 
operatives. 

Eighth — The Central Committee at Moscow will endeavor to 
supply at least four complete trains for the transpor- 
tation of goods to and from the Black Sea ports. 
Should Moscow not succeed, the co-operatives in for- 
eign countries will employ part of the credits for the 
purchase of freight cars and locomotives in the allied 
countries. In any case they will send motor trucks 
in order to help railroad transportation. 

Ninth — As soon as the exportation of cereals, flax, and other 
raw materials from Russia has commenced effectively, 
the contracts referred to above will be considerably 
increased, in order, for instance, to reach a million 
tons of cereals, which would be the quantity available 
\ for export, in a little longer time. 
\ 

[1570 

Authorization given by the Soviet Government to the Central 
Union of Russian Co-operatives to trade with Foreign 
Countries, February 2, 1920. 

{New York Tim^s, February 2, 1920.) 

The Russian co-operatives' headquarters at Paris has re- 
ceived authorization from the Soviet Government to transact! 
business with foreign countries. The announcement read as| 
follows : 

The Soviet Government permits the Central Union of Rus- 
sian Co-operatives to enter into commercial relations with thel 



/ 



DOCUMENTS AND PAPERS 361 

co-operatives and business firms of Western Europe, America, 
and other countries. 

The Soviet Government has given the Central Union all 
guarantees concerning the protection of goods exported and im- 
ported by the co-operatives. 

The Central Union is ready to commence exchanges immedi- 
ately. 

The Soviet Government will allow to pass safely delegates / 

coming to and leaving Russia whose names are furnished by the 
representatives of the Russian co-operatives of Central Europe. 



[158.] 

Statement by the Supreme Council, February 24, 1920. 

{New York Times, February 25, 1920.) 

If the communities which border the frontiers of Soviet 
Russia and whose independence or de facto autonomy they have 
recognized were to approach them and ask them for advice as 
to what attitude they should take with regard to Soviet Russia, 
the allied Governments would reply that they cannot accept the 
responsibility of advising them to continue war, which may be 
injurious to their own interests. Still less would they advise 
them to adopt a policy of aggression toward Russia. If, how- 
ever, Soviet Russia attacks their legitimate frontiers the Allies 
will give them every possible support. 

The Allies cannot enter into diplomatic relations with the 
Soviet Government, in view of their past experiences, until they 
have arrived at the conviction that the Bolshevist horrors have 
come to an end, and that the Government at Moscow is ready to 
conform its methods and diplomatic conduct to those of all 
civilized governments. 

The British and Swiss Governments were both compelled to 
expel representatives of the Soviet Government from their re- 
spective countries because they had abused their privileges. 

Commerce between Russia and the rest of Europe, which is 
so essential for the improvement of economic conditions, not only 
in Russia but in the rest of the world, will be encouraged to the 
utmost degree possible without relaxation of the attitude 
described above. 

Furthermore, the Allies agree in the belief that it is highly 



362 RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS 

desirable to obtain impartial and authoritative information re- 
garding the conditions now prevailing in Russia. They have 
therefore noted with satisfaction the proposal before the Inter- 
national Labor Bureau, Avhich is a branch of the League of Na- 
tions, to send a commission of investigation to Russia to examine 
into the facts. They think, however, that this inquiry would 
be invested with even greater authority and with superior 
chances of success if it were made on the initiative and con- 
ducted under the supervision of the Council of the League of 
Nations itself, and they invite that body to take action in this 
direction. 



INDEX 

[References are to pages.] 



"Acid test," 72, 258, 260 

Aims. See War aims. 

Alexandrovitch, Michael, 2-3 

Alexeieflf, General, 314 

Allied Ambassadors, Soviet Govern- 
ment's first note to, 44 ; note from 
Trotsky on suspension of armis- 
tice negotiations, 56; protest 
against repudiation, 78; removal 
from Vologda to Archangel, 230, 
231 

Allied Consuls, statement on re- 
maining in Moscow, 230 

Allies, note from Provisional Gov- 
ernment as to a conference on 
war aims, 26; protest from mili- 
tary agents against violation of 
treaty, 49 ; note to diplomats from 
Soviet Government as to armis- 
tice negotiations, 51 ; armistice 
negotiations suspended for their 
definition of attitude, 56-57; note 
from Trotsky on peace negotia- 
tions with appeal to join, 61 ; 
agreement with Murman Re- 
gional Soviet, 232; protest from 
Tchicherin to Poole against hos- 
tile conduct, 246; conspiracy 
alleged by Soviet Government, 
September 3, 1918, 252; super- 
vision of Siberian railways, plan, 
276; charged with fomenting in- 
surrection, 314; policy of non- 
recognition and non-intercourse 
with Soviet Government un- 
changed, 359, 361; see also Su- 
preme Council 

All-Russian Central Executive Com- 
mittee, on the attempted assassi- 
nation of Lenin, 250 

All-Russian Congress of Soviets at 
Moscow, Wilson's cable and reply, 
87, 89, 97; Gompers's cable, 88; 
proceedings as reported by Robins, 
97, 102 

All-Russian Convention of Soviets of 
Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' 
Deputies. See Soviet Govern- 
ment 



All-Russian Provisional Govern- 
ment (Omsk), appeal to Presi- 
dent Wilson, 257 

All-Siberian Soviet, 172; recognition 
desired, 176; guarantee a« to 
armed prisoners, 179; memoran- 
dum given Hicks and Webster, 
184 

Ambassador from free Russia wel- 
comed by Wilson, 31 

America. See United States. 

American Ambassador. See Francis, 
D. R. 

American AmbilBsador at Tokio, 278, 
279 

American citizens in Russia, 347, 
348 

American Embassy at Vologda, 80 

American Friends Society, 215 

American Military Mission to Rus- 
sia, 47-48; chief visits Trotsky, 
55; on absence of oflBcers with 
Gen. Kaledin, 58 

American Mission to Russia, 23; 
aims explained by Lansing, 27; 
Root's address to Russia, June 15, 
1917, 28; Root's statement to the 
press on its work, 32 

American Railway Commission, 104, 
107, 133, 220, 357 

American Red Cross. See Red Cross 

American troops in Russia, 238, 282 

American troops in Siberia, 343; 
withdrawal. Secretary of State's 
statement, 355 

Amnesty, 319 

Anderson, Colonel, 103 

Annexations, 300; old distinguished 
from new, 62 

Annexations and indemnities, Gom- 
pers on, 15; Petrograd Soviet on, 
17; Wilson's position, 25; Soviet 
Government on, 41, 45; Wilson's 
message on (Dec. 4, 1917), 57 

Appeals from groups in Russia, 221 

Archangel, 83, 122, 132, 155, 203, 
213, 282; as port of trade, 213, 
218, 219; Ambassadors' removal 
to, 230, 231; suitability for Am- 

363 



364 



INDEX 



bassadors, 232; uprising August 
3, 1918, 242; repy of Government 
to Prinkipo proposal, 305 

Armaments, reduction, 71, 341 

Armed war prisoners in Siberia 
104, 106, 109, 112, 115, 121, 123, 
124, 125, 128, 139, 147; German 
origin of scare, 149; Irkutsk 
Soviet and, 167, 168; investiga- 
tion by Hicks and Webster: rec- 
ord, 165-177; report, 177-186 

Armistice, Soviet Government pro- 
poses, 43, 45; Soviet Govern- 
ment's note to Allies' diplomats 
as to beginning negotiations, 51; 
suspension of negotiations, 56 

Army, reorganization by Soviet 
Government, 20, 101, 104, 107, 
116, 124, 324 

Associated Press, Kerensky inter- 
view, 39 

Austria-Hungary, 72 

Avskentiev, Mr., 257 

Bakhmeteflf, B. A., welcomed as am- 
bassador by Wilson, 31; activity, 
241 

Balfour, A. J., 289, 290, 291, 293, 
296 ; speech in Parliament on Jap- 
anese intervention, 89 

Balkan states, 72 

Baltimore, Md., address of President 
Wilson, April 6, 1918, 190 

Baltic ports, 360 

Berger, Victor, 19 

Berkenheim, Alexander, 359 

Bersin, Commander, 252 

Berthelot, General, statement to 
General Dukhonin, 50 

Bessarabia, 339, 342 

Billings, Frank, 48 

Black Sea, 298 

Black Sea ports, 360 

Blockade. See Economic blockade; 
commercial relations 

Bogaevsky, Ataman, 121 

Bolshevik leaders, 66 

Bolshevik Revolution, 38 

Bolsheviks, economic encirclement, 
273; French Foreign Minister on, 
281; Wilson on, 287; Lloyd 
George on, 284; as viewed by 
national Russian groups, 305; 
Foch's note to German Gk)vern- 
ment on blockading, 349; propa- 
ganda in United States, 351 ; see 
also Soviet Government 

Bonch-Bruevich, Vladimir, 44 



Bonds. See Loans. 

Brest-Litovsk, peace, 61, 68, 83, 
258 ; negotiations begun, 56 ; peace 
signed, 79; Entente prime minis- 
ters protest against, 92; Francis 
on, 94; German "justice," 191; 
non-recognition by Allies, 232, 
244-245 

Briberies by Entente, 252, 253, 269 

Bridges destroyed, 314 

British Embassy in Petrograd, 
statement, Nov. 29, 1917, as to 
recognition of new government, 
51, and reply, 52; conspiracies, 
253; attack on and British pro- 
test, 255 

British Foreign Secretary, note to 
Tchicherin protesting against at- 
tack on British Embassy in Petro- 
grad, 255 

British Government, Japanese in- 
tervention and, 195; declaration 
to the peoples of Russia, August 
8, 1918, of assistance, 243 

British troops, Murmansk, 227 ; pro- 
test from Tchicherin against move- 
ment, 229 

Brotherhood of man, 25 

Buchanan, George, 145 

Buckler, Mr., 290 

Bullard, Arthur. 57, 58 

BuUit, W. C, 317, 353 



Cadets, 178 

Caldwell, J. K., 196, 197 

Canada, 294 

Capitalism, 262 

Caucasian territories, 339, 342 

Cecil, Lord Robert, 52 

Cheidze, Mr., 19 

Chicherin. See Tchicherin. 

China, anxiety and conference over 
Russian troops, 128, 129, 170, 171, 
176 

Chinese Eastern Railway, 174, 183, 
220, 345, 357 

Chinese-Eastern and Trans-Siberian 
Railways, plan for Allied super- 
vision, documents, 276 

Chinese embargo, 160 

Chita, 128, 168, 171, 178, 183 

Christiania, 274, 276 

Cieneros, Harrido, 46 

Cipher messages, 161, 162, 163 

Citizenship, Russian, 321 

Class privileie, 338, 342 

Clemenceau, Georges, 273, 290, 296, 



INDEX 



365 



339, 343; on Bolsheviks, 291; re- 
ply to Nansen, 330 

Coates (J. M.) Co., 215, 217 

Colonial claims, 71 

Commerce, Russian-American, 206, 
208 

Commercial relations, Russian for- 
eign commerce, 206; opportuni- 
ties, 325 ; Soviet Government's de- 
sire, 328; Supreme Council's 
blockade, 349 ; foreign trade " na- 
tionalized," 351 ; Supreme Coun- 
cil's announcement of January 16, 
1920, 358; Soviet Government's 
authorization to Co-operative 
Union, February 2, 1920, 360; see 
also Economic relations. 

Committee on Public Information, 
personnel, 57; relations with 
Soviet Government, 57, 67, 77; 
statements given out May 31, 
1918, by Francis and by Lansing, 
219, 221 ; statement to the press 
from American Ambassador, June 
1, 1918, 223 

Concessions, Bolshevik, not recog- 
nized by Russian nationals, 300 

Congress of Soviets, Seventh, resolu- 
tion, December 5, 1919, 353 

Conspiracies, Allies charged with, 
269, 314, 315 

Constituent Assembly, promised, 1-2, 
5, 21; convocation urged by gov- 
ernment, Oct. 8, 1917, 37; expec- 
tation of Kerensky, 41 ; peace res- 
olution adopted Jan. 18, 1918, 75; 
dissolution, 75, 77; negotiations 
with Soviet Government, 301, 324; 
Supreme Council and Kolchak on, 
338, 340, 341 

Constitutional Democrats, 178 

Construction, enterprises in Russia 
for America, 211 

Co-operative Union, Supreme Coun- 
cil's note, January 26, 1920, 359; 
Soviet Government's authoriza- 
tion of foreign trade, February 3, 
1920, 360 

Co-operatives, commercial relation 
through, 358, 359, 360 

Cordon scmitoAre, 273, 285, 294, 316 

Corse, Frederick, 58 

Cotton thread, 215 

Council of Export Trade ( Russian ) , 
204, 210 

Council of People's Commissaries, 
44; ficr aUo Soviet Government; 
Tchicherin; Trotsky 



Counter revolution, 260, 297, 301, 
313; Far East conspiracy, 107; 
local government organizations, 
225; Czechoslovaks and, 228; All- 
Russian Central Executive Com- 
mittee's declaration, 250 

Country of the North, proclamation, 
242 

Credentials of L. A. Martens, 320, 
321 

Credits, 360 

Creel, Tjeorge, cable from Sisson, 
December 18, 1917, 57; cable from 
Sisson desiring President to re- 
state war aims, 67 ; cable from 
Sisson on use of Wilson's " acid 
test" speech in Russia, 74 

Crimes, 303 

Cromie, Captain, 255 

Czarism. See Tsarism 

Czechoslovak National Council, 
statement issued at Washington, 
July 27, 1918, 235 

Czechoslovak Provisional Govern- 
ment, statement from Tchicherin, 
267 

Czechoslovak troops in Russia, 119, 
225, 236, 237, 238, 240, 250, 261, 
267, 282, 310, 312; disarming by 
Soviet Government, note of June 
13, 1918, 224; assistance from 
America, 343; withdrawal from 
Siberia, 356 

Dardanelles, 72 

Dauria, 172, 173, 178 

Davison, H. P., 113, 114, 127, 145; 
cable from Robins urging inter- 
course with Bolshevik Govern- 
ment, 60, with reply, 60; cable 
from Robins, March 26, 1918, on 
Red Cross work, 188; telegrams 
with Robins on Red Cross assist- 
ants, April 5, 1918, 189; cable to 
Robins on high value of his Red 
Cross work, 196; cables with 
Robins, April 25, 27, and May 9, 
1918, about Red Cross work, 202, 
204 

Debs, Eugene, 265 

Debts. See Loans; Repudiation 

Demobilization, 319 

Denikin, General, 286, 315, 333 

Diamandi, Mr., 75 

Dielo Nervda, 75 

Diplomatic agents, letter from Lan- 
sing to Lithuanian National Coun- 
cil, 354 



366 



INDEX 



Diplomats at Petrograd, protest 
over arrest of Rumanian Minis- 
ter, 75 

Distribution, 214; possibility and 
method in Russia, 217 

Dora's Red Cross cargo, 155, 156 

Drysdale, Walter, 121, 123, 131, 166, 
168, 178 

Dukhonin, General, 49; 53; state- 
ment from General Berthelot, 50; 
statement to, by Lieutenant- Colo- 
nel Kerth, 53; removal, 54 

Duma, 1, 4 

Durri, Consul, 348 

Economic barriers, 71 

Economic blockade of Russia, 272, 
276, 318, 323, 327, 332, 353; Foch's 
note to German Government, 349 ; 
Supreme Council's note to Co- 
operative Union, January 26, 
1920, 359 

Economic Commission, aims as sug- 
gested by Robins, 213 

Economic encirclement, 273, 285, 
294, 316 

Economic liberty, 271 

Economic relations, Russian- Amer- 
ican, plan sent by Lenin to Robins, 
May 14, 1918, 204-212; report of 
Robins to Secretary of State, July 
1, 1918, 212-219; official statement 
from Washington, August 3, 1918, 
237; see also Commercial rela- 
tions 

Elections, 338, 342 

Emerson, Colonel, 127, 128, 133, 142, 
221-222 

Esthonia, 339, 341; reply to Prin- 
kipo proposal, 304 

Exchange of interned citizens, 249, 
253, 254, 255, 256 

Executions, mass, 315 

Far East, conspiracy, 197 

Finance, Russian, 324; see also 
Loans 

Finland, 137, 140. 141, 145, 147, 
300, 338, 341, 354; Red Cross 
work, 148; revolutionary leaders, 
147, 150; leaders' protest against 
German militarism, 151; recog- 
nized by United States Govern- 
ment, 336 

Finland, Gulf of, 350 

Foch, Marshal, note to German Gov- 
ernment as to blockading Bol- 
shevik Russia, 349 



Food supply, 316, 351; Nansen on, 

329 
Foreign commerce, Russian, 206 
Fourteen Points of President Wil- 
son, 71 
France, will not recognize a Rus- 
sian government capable of mak- 
ing a separate peace, 50 ; territory 
should be freed, 72; French agents 
and Czechoslovaks, 311 
Francis, D. R., recognition of Pro- 
visional Government, 6; docu- 
ments given Robins for use in 
certain contingencies (on recog- 
nition), 65, 66; cables to State 
Department warning against Jap- 
anese invasion, 84, 85; interview 
March 15, 1918, in which he de- 
clares he will not leave Russia, 
94; certificate given Robins for 
Red Cross work, 95; correspond- 
ence in Vologda with Robins in 
Moscow, 96-164; message re- 
ceived from MacGowan at Irkutsk, 
164; statement on Japanese inter- 
vention, 196; on non-intervention 
and standing by Russia, May 31, 
1918, 219; on attitude of Amer- 
ica, statement through committee 
on Public Information. June 1, 
1918, 223; message to Tchicherin 
explaining removal to Archangel, 
231 ; address to the Russian peo- 
ple August 9, 1918, on conditions 
of recognition, 244; unhindered in 
leaving Russia, 282 
Fredericks, Baron, 108, 112, 186, 187 
Freedom of the Seas, 71 
French Foreign Minister, 280 
French loan to Russia, 265 
French Miliary Mission, 50; com- 
munication to Russian com- 
mander-in-chief, 59 
French territory, 72 
Friendship for Russia. See United 
States 

General Staff. Bee Russian General 
Staff 

Georgian Government, 303 

" German peace," 92, 93 

Germany, intrigues condemned by 
the United States, 24, 27, 58; 
greatness acknowledged by Wil- 
son, 73; commercial penetration 
of Russia, 79, 80, 89; methods 
with other governments, 90; char- 
acter condemned by Entente prime 



INDEX 



367 



ministers, 92; pledges and viola- 
tion, 92; control commission in 
Petrograd, 108, 112, 114, 186, 187; 
justice toward, 191; exports to 
Russia before the war, 208; re- 
sentment in Russia, 216; asked 
by Foch to assist economic block- 
ade of Bolshevik Russia, 349 

Gold, reserves, 351; Rumanian, 351 

Gompers, Samuel, message of sym- 
pathy to Petrograd Soviet, 14 

Government of Autonomous Si- 
beria, 197 

Grain, 214 

Graves, W. S., 344, 345 

Great Britain, warned of Japanese 
intervention, March 6, 1918, 82; 
see also British, etc. 

Groups in Russia, appeals from, 
221; program and intentions, 241 

Gr^nard, Consul General, 252 

Guchkov, Mr., 12 

Guinet, Alphonse, 312 

Gurnberg, Alexander, 111 

Harbin, 104, 125, 127, 168, 183, 
201, 345 

Hicks, W. L., 165 

Hicks and Webster mission, 104, 
105, 115, 124, 128, 139; record 
of investigation of armed war 
prisoner scare, 165-177; report, 
177-184; memorandum given by 
Central Executive Committee of 
Soviets, 184 

Hillquit, Morris, 19 

Hitchcock, Senator, 282, 283 

Horvat, Mr., 200 

Hungarian military prisoners, 166, 
170, 175, 179 

Imperialism, 17, 18, 270; Japanese, 

194 
Indemnities. See Annexations and 

indemnities 
Indigent persons, 77, 78 
Industry, reorganization, 325 
Interment, 315; British and French 

citizens, 249, 254 
International Harvester Co., 110-111, 

183, 215, 217 
International Labor Bureau, 362 
International Socialism, Trotsky 

and, 79, 82 
International Socialist Congress at 
Stockholm, appeal for, from Pet- 
rograd Soviet, 18, 19, 22 



Intervention, 275, 297, 302, 311, 
335; military, 237; Trotsky's 
statement about, 249; America's 
participation, 250, 251 ; Tchich- 
erin's protest to the Allies, De- 
cember 2, 1918, 268; Litvinov on, 

271, 272; Lloyd George on, 285; 
original puropse, 337 ; Wilson's 
message, June 26, 1919, to the 
Senate on Siberia, 343 

Irkutsk, 124, 128, 178; Siberian 
Bolsheviks, 164; prisoners' camp 
visited, 169-170; anti-Bolshevik 
sympathies of consuls, 180 

Irkutsk Soviet, 124 

Ishij, K., 278; note to Acting Sec- 
retary of State January 15, 1919, 
276 

Italian soldiers in Russia, 309 

Italy, 294; frontiers, 72; note from 
Soviet Government, February 14, 
1919, 306-317 

Izvestia, 110; position, 7; visit of 

Gen. Judson to Trotsky, 55; on 
Wilson's "acid test" speech, 74; 
on Japanese intervention, 135 

Japan, Russian feeling against, 81, 
82; declaration August 3, 1918, in 
conjunction with the United 
States, 239; plan presented 
through Japanese Ambassador at 
Washington for Allied supervision 
of Siberian railways, 276; United 
States concert with, 343, 344; 
note from United States Govern- 
ment on withdrawal of American 
troops from Siberia, 355; end of 
United States co-operative effort 
in Siberia, 358; see also Japanese 
intervention. 

Japanese Ambassador at Washing- 
ton, 276, 279, 355 

Japanese intervention, warning 
from Lockhart to Great Britain, 
82; Francis cables United States 
Department of State, 84, 85; Bal- 
four on, 89; United States policy 
outlined, 99-100; Allied ambassa- 
dors' advise, 131; Russian press 
and, 136, 138; Central-Siberian 
Soviet and, 182; Soviet Govern- 
ment's statement, 194; Francis's 
statement as to Japanese and 
British landing at Vladivostok, 
196; Soviet Government's com- 
plaint to Italy, 311; see also 
VladivoBtok. 



368 



INDEX 



Japanese Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs, 278 

Jews, 334 

Juan, Louis, communication to Rus- 
sian commander-in-chief, 59 

Judenitch, Greneral, 335 

Judson, W. v., letter to Russian 
General Staff on American sup- 
plies, 47 ; second letter to Russian 
General Staff, on sympathy for 
Russia, 48; visit to Trotsky, 55 

Justice, 73 

Kaiserism, Gompers on, 14, 15 

Kalamatiano, Mr., 348 

Kaledin, General, 58, 110, 121 

Kalinin, President, 353 

Kalpachnikoff, Colonel, 130, 131 

Kamchatka fisheries, 199 

Kato, Admiral, 134, 135, 139, 194, 
196 

Kerensky, Alexander, 20, 33, 36; 
Associated Press interview, 39 

Kcrth, Lieutenant-Colonel M., state- 
ments to Gen. Dukhonin, 53, and 
reply from Trotsky, 54; recall, 59 

Knox, Senator, 286 

Kola, 227 

Kolchak, Admiral, 286, 301, 333, 
346, 348, 349, 356; dictatorship 
proclaimed, 257; note from Su- 
-preme Council, 337; reply to Su- 
preme Council, 340; support ex- 
tended by Supreme Council, 343 

Kolobov, M. A., 198, 200 

Kornilov, General, 36, 152 

Krasnoyarsk, 150, 177, 182 

Krylenko, General, 50 

Kulleroo, Mr., 151 

Land question, 334, 338 

Lansing, Robert, note on aims of 
American Mission to Russia, 27; 

cable to Robins, May 9, 1918, to 
return for consultation, 203; rec- 
ognition of Finland, 336; letter 
to Lithuanian National Council 
on recognition, 348; letter to 
Lithuanian National Council on 
diplomatic agents, 354; see also 
State, United States Department 
of; United States Government 

Latvia, 339, 341 ; reply to Prinkipo 
proposal, 303 

Lavergne, General, 54, 59, 99, 252 

League of Nations, 73, 338, 341, 
362; Soviet Government's discus- 
sion, 262 



Lee, Algernon, 19 

Lemnos, 291, 296 

Lenin, V. L, 96, 97, 102; chairman 
of new government, 44; telegram 
from Robins and reply on Febru- 
ary 28, 1918, 80, 81; plan of eco- 
nomic relations with America, 
sent to Robins May 14, 1918, 204- 
212; attempt on his life, 250 

Leonard, Consul, 348 

" Letters from an American Friend," 
113, 114 

Lettish troops, 252 

Letvia. See Latvia. 

Lithuania, 289, 303, 339, 341 

Lithuanian National Council, letter 
from Lansing on recognition, 348 ; 
letter from Lansing on diplomatic 
agents, 354 

Lithuanians, passports, 355 

Litvinov, Maxim, 249, 254, 255, 256, 
290, 326, 327; appeal, December 
24, 1918, to President Wilson, 
270; letter (with Vorovsky) to 
Ludwig Meyer on peace terms, 
274 

Lloyd George, David, 339, 343; nt 
Quai d'Orsay on peace in Russia, 
284, 290; reply to Nansen, 330 

Loans, Russian, 299, 320, 339, 342; 
Polk on, 339 

Lockhart, R. H. B., 80; cable to 
British Foreign Office, March 5, 
1918, warning of Japanese inter- 
vention, 82; letter to Robins with 
definite instances of Trotsky's 
willingness to work with Allies, 
202; protest to from Tchicherin 
as to British armed troops at 
Murmansk, 226; asked by Tchich- 
erin to disavow certain statements 
about intervention, 227; arrest 
and alleged conspiracy, 252, 253, 
254; as conspirator, 314 

Lvov, G. E., 10, 20, 33, 300 

MacGowan, Mr., message to Francis 
from Irkutsk, 164 

Machinery, Russian needs, 210 

Maioni, Mr., 307, 308, 312 

Makino, Baron, 290, 295, 343 

Manchuria, 173, 174, 175, 179 

Manchurian Railway, 183 

Manifesto of Provisional Govern- 
ment, 4 

Mannerheim, General, 140-141, 148 

Mf nnfactures, Russian needs, 210 

Marchand, Ren€, 313 



INDEX 



369 



Marines, American, on Murman 
coast, 227 

Marmora, tsea of, 298 

Martens, L. A., credentials, with 
memorandum, sent to United 
States Department of State, 320, 
321-328; protest of Soviet Gov- 
ernment against alleged arrest, 
346; reply of United States As- 
sistant Secretary of State to 
Soviet Government as to alleged 
arrest, 347 

Masaryk, T. G., 236 

Mass executions, 315 

"Mass terror," 251, 256 

Massacres, 334 

Matzievskaya, 173, 174, 175, 1^3 

Max, Professor, 282 

Mensheviks, 301, 302, 324 

Meyer, Ludwig, 274, 276 

Militarism, 270 

Mlitary intervention, 237 

Military stores, 211 

Miliukov, P. N., note to Allies 
through Russian diplomats abroad, 
March 18, 1917, 2; reply to rec- 
ognition 07 new government by 
the United States, 6; communica- 
tion to Russian diplomats in Al- 
lied countries on durable peace, 
May 1, 1917, 11, 12; explanation 
to Soviet of his conmiunication 
to diplomats, 12 

Milner, Lord, 274 

Minor, Robert, 154 

Mirbach, Count von, 146, 231 

Moonzund, 56 

Moscow, National Conference, 36; 
situation, March, 1918, 103; ban- 
dits, 143; absurd press reports 
about ambassadorship, etc., 157, 
158; mass executions, 315; co- 
operatives, 359; see also All-Rus- 
sian Congress of Soviets 

Moscow Soviet, elections, 148 

Mouravieff, General, 314 

Murman coast, American marines, 
227 

Murman region, 233, 235 

Murmansk, 83, 107, 132, 145, 203; 
British troops, 227, 229 

Murmansk Soviet, 230; agreement 
with Allies, 232 

Nansen, Fridjof, 352, 353; letter to 
President Wison, 329 ; reply from, 
330; Bolshevist reply to, 332 

Nashe Slovo, 227, 228 



National Conference in Moscow, 
message from Wilson, 36 

National groups in Russia, position 
on Bolshevik concessions, 300; re- 
lation to Bolsheviks, 306 

Neutral countries, Soviet Govern- 
ment's note, November 23, 1917, 
to certain representatives, 45; re- 
plies to Soviet Government's note, 
46 

New republics, recognition, 354 

New York Call, 74 

New York Life Insurance Co., 217 

Nicholas, Emperor, renunciation of 
throne, 2 

Niessel, General, 59, 99 

" No annexations," etc. See Annex- 
ations and indemnities 

Non-intervention, 221, 223; state- 
ment by Francis, May 31, 1918, 
219 ; in internal affairs of Russia, 
238; see also Intervention 

Nuorteva, S., 329 

Omsk, 150, 165, 168, 177, 182; All- 
Russian Provisional Government, 
257 ; Sazonoff as representative, 
286 

Orjalsalo, Arne, 150 

Orlando, V. E., 289, 294, 339; re- 
ply to Nansen, 330 

Ouritzky (Uritzki), 250, 315 

Paderewski, Ignace, 306 

Passports, Stockholm Congress, 19; 
Lithuanians, 355 

Peace, Petrograd Soviet's appeal of 
March 27, 1917, 7; Provisional 
Government's statement of its 
basis, 10, 11, 12; basis of dura- 
ble, 13, 20; Soviet Government's 
decree, 41 ; Trotsky urges Allies 
to join negotiations, 61 ; program 
of the word's peace (Wilson's 
Fourteen Points) , 71 ; Constituent 
Assembly resolution of Jan. 18, 
1918, 75; danger of a peace with- 
out Russia, 245; see also Brest- 
Litovsk peace; Peace proposals, 
Soviet; Separate peace 

Peace Conference, 280, 284, 287; 
Prinkipo proposal, 297; see also 
Supreme Council 

Peace proposals, Soviet, 258, 268, 
270, 274, 283, 309; text of pro- 
posal projected by Soviet Govern- 
ment, March 14, 1919, 317; Con- 
gress of Soviets enumerates, 353 



370 



INDEX 



People's Commissaries. See Council 
of People's Commidsaries 

Perm, 165 

Petrograd, Diplomatic corps' pro- 
test against arrest of Rumanian 
minister, 75; German control 
commission, 108, 112, 114, 186, 
187; Red Cross supplies at work, 
155; mass execution, 315; block- 
ade, 351; see also British Em- 
bassy in Petrograd 

Petrograd Soviet, proclamation to 
the peoples of the world, March 
27, 1919, 7; message from Gom- 
pers, 14 ; appeal to Socialists of 
all countries, 16; call for Inter- 
national Socialist Congress, 18, 19, 
22 

Pettit, Walter, 317 

Phillips, Mr., reply to Soviet pro- 
test as to arrest of L. A. Martens, 
347 ; reply to Senator Wadsworth, 
351 

Pichon, S., statement, December 29, 

1918, in the Chamber of Depu- 
ties, 273; reply, January 11, 1919, 
to British Government's sugges- 
tion as to Russia, 280; notes on 
discussions regarding Russia at 
his office, January 16, and 21, 

1919, 284, 289 

Platinum, 107, 109, 110, 112, 114, 
129, 131, 132 

Plebiscite 42 

Poland, 72, 93, 275, 289, 300, 338, 
341, 354; announcement of recog- 
nition by United States Depart- 
ment of State, 306 

Polk, F. L., note to Japanese Am- 
bassador at Washington on plan 
for Siberian railway supervision, 
279; on Russian bonds, 339 

Poole, D. C, Jr., 230, 313; note 
from Tchicherin of appeal and 
protest against Anglo-French in- 
vasion, 246 

Preliminary Parliament, 38 

Princes' Islands (Prinkipo), 298, 
333 

Prinkipo proposal, 297 ; Soviet Gov- 
ernment's reply, 298; replies of 
non-Boshevik Russian Govern- 
ments, 303 

Prisoners of war, 319; see also 
Armed war prisoners in Siberia 

Production, decline in Russia, 205 

Propaganda, 275, 276, 281, 302, 351 



Provisional Council of the Republic, 
announcement, 38 

Provisional Government of Russia, 
statement, March 18, 1917, of 
policy and principles, 1 ; member- 
ship, 1 ; foreign policy, 3 ; mani- 
festo to Russian people, 4; recog- 
nition by the United States, 6; 
statement regarding the war, 
April 9, 1917, 9; declaration (of 
second) on May 18, 1917, 19; 
membership of second, 19, 20; 
note (of second) to Allies June 
15, 1917, suggesting a conference 
on war aims, 26; statement to 
Allies August 1, 1917, on continu- 
ing the war, 33; declaration of 
last, Dec. 8, 1917, 36 

Provisional Government of the 
country of the North, proclama- 
tion, 242 

Prussian militarism, 14 

Public Information, See Committee 
on Public Information 

Publicity, policy of Soviet Govern- 
ment, 55; Wilson on, 70, 71 

Quai d'Orsay, notes on discussions 
regarding Russia on January 16 
and 21, 1919, 284, 289 

Radek, Karl, 119 

Radicalism, 216 

Railroads, Siberia, supervision plan, 
276 ; building, 325 ; see also Amer- 
ican Railway Commission 

Ransome, Arthur, 113 

Raw materials, Russian, 209, 211, 
299, 328, 360 

Reciprocity, 358, 359 

Recognition, of Soviet Government 
urged by Robins, 77; of new re- 
publics, 354 

Red Army, 260-261, 265, 266, 267, 
281, 308, 316; rations, 352 

Red Cross, supplies for Russia, 48; 
certificate given by Francis to 
Robins, 95; Finland, 148; Soviet 
Government relations, 154; Soviet 
Government's statement to Robins, 
188; cable from Robins to Davi- 
son, March 26, 1918, 188; tele- 
grams between Robins and Davi- 
son, April 5, 1918, on assistants, 
189; Davison's opinion of work 
of Robins, 196 cables between 
Davison and Robins, April 25, 
27, and May 9, 1918, 202, 204 



INDEX 



371 



Red terror, 251, 271, 315 

Eelief problem, 352 

Repressions, 254 

Reprisals, 347, 348 

Republics, new, recognition, 354 

Repudiation of Russia's debts, de- 
cree of Feb. 8, 1918, text, 77; 
protest of foreign ambassadors, 78 

Resources, Russian, 214 

Riga, 36 

Riggs, Captain, 101, 103, 104, 111, 
125, 126 

Riley, Lieutenant, 252 

Robins, Raymond, 48 ; cable to Davi- 
son urging intercourse with Bol- 
shevik Government, 60, with re- 
ply, 60; documents from Francis 
for use in certain contingencies, 
65, 66; cable to Thompson on the 
strength of Soviet Government, 
76; cable to Thompson, February 
15, 1918, urging commercial rela- 
tions to prevent German commer- 
cial relations, 79; telegram to 
Lenin on February 28, 1918, and 
reply, 80, 81; informs Trotsky 
of appeal and protest against 
Japanesa_^lan8 in Siberia, 86; 
thanked by Tchicherin, 89; cer- 
tificate from Francis for Red 
Cross work, 95; confidence in 
Soviet Government, 116, 130-131; 
favors economic reconstructive 
program, 146, 150, 152-153, 154; 
communication, March 21, 1918, 
from Tchicherin denying rumored 
German control commissions, 186- 
187; statement from Soviet Gov- 
ernment on Red Cross work in 
Russia, 188; cable to Davison, 
March 26, 1918, on Red Cross 
work, 188; telegrams with Davi- 
son on Red Cross assistants, April 
5, 1918, 189; cable from Davison 
on high value of Robin's Red 
Cross work, 196; letter from 
Tchicherin, April 25, 1918, with 
enclosure showing counter-revolu- 
tionary conspiracy in Far East, 
197; cables with Davison, April 
25, 27, and May 9, 1918, about 
Red Cross work, 202, 204; cable 
from Lansing to return for con- 
sultation, 203; report to Secre- 
tary of State, July 1, 1918, on 
economic co-operation with Rus- 
sia, 212-219 

Robins, Mrs, Raymond, 127 



Romei, General, 307, 308 

Root, Elihu, address to Provisional 
Government June 15, 1917, 28; 
statement to the press on the 
work of the Mission to Russia, 
32; speech in New York, August 
12, 1917, 34 

Ruggles, J. A., 85, 96, 104, 119 

Rumania, 93 

Rumanian gold, 351 

Rumanian Minister, protest against 
his arrest, 75 

Rumanian-Russian affairs, 118, 119 

Russia, sympathy and friendship of 
America, 14, 27, 29, 36, 49, 94, 
98; Tsar's Government, 34; Root 
on character and prospects, 35; 
" out of the war " reports, 39 ; 
exhaustion, 40; treatment by Al- 
lies the " acid test " of good will, 
72; withdrawal from war, 79; 
American friendship continued 
in spite of difficulties, 219, 221; 
commission of investigation, 362 

Russian Commander-in-Chief, com- 
munication from French Military 
Mission, 59 

Russian diplomats abroad, note 
from Miliukov on March 18, 1917, 
2 

Russian Embassy at Washington, 
statement August 5, 1918, 241 

Russian General Staff, letter from 
General Judson on American sup- 
plies, 47; second letter from Gen- 
eral Judson, 48; protest from 
Allied military attaches against 
violation of treaty, 49 

Russian Railway Service corps, 344 

Russian Revolution, 17, 40; stage 
of control by necessities, 216 

Russian Revolutionary Democracy, 
17 

Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Re- 
public. See Soviet Government 

Russian-American commerce, 206, 
208 

Russki Slovo, 57 

Sadoul, J., 103 

" Safe for democracy," 30 

Saionji, 339 

Salonika, 290, 291, 296 

Samara, 214 

Savings and Savings banks, 78 

Sazonoff, 286, 290, 300 

Schools, 325 

Secret diplomacy, 42, 270 



372 



INDEX 



Secret treaties, Soviet Government 
abrogates, 43; Wilson on, 69, 70, 
71 

Self-determination of peoples, 270, 
275 ; Provisional Government's 
position, 10, 12; Petrograd Soviet 
on, 17; in Allied countries, 62; 
Wilson on, 71 

Self-government, 32, 357 

Semenoff aflfair, 125, 128, 168, 170, 
171, 173, 174, 183, 221 

Separate peace (by Russia), 11, 20, 
53, 63, 76; protest of Allies, 49; 
protest from the United States, 
53 

Serbian refugees, 144, 177 

Serbian relief, 144, 147, 149 

Shoes, 220 

Siberia, Japanese intervention dan- 
ger, 81; United States policy as 
to Japanese intervention, 99-100; 
republic, 119; counter-revolution- 
aries, 181 ; character of Soviets, 
181 ; American attitude asked, 
198, 199; Temporary Government, 
241 ; plan of railway supervision, 
276; reply of Government to 
Prinkipo proposal, 305; Wilson's 
message to the Senate, June 26, 
1919, on intervention, 343; assist- 
ance to people, 345, 346 unfavor- 
able situation, 355, 357; state- 
ment from Secretary of State on 
withdrawal of American troops, 
355; see also Armed war pris- 
oners; Japanese intervention 

Siberian Bolsheviks, 164 

Siberian Government, 197 

Siberian railway, 167, 194, 236, 249 

Siberian Railways, Japanese and 
American supervision, 344 

Sisson, E. G., cable to Creel, Decem- 
ber 18, 1917, 57; cable to Creel 
desiring President to restate war 
aims, 67; cable to Creel on use 
of Wilson's "acid test" speech 
in Russia, 74 

Smolny, 55 

Social reconstruction, 327 

Social Revolutionists, 301 

Socialism, Moscow All-Russian Con- 
gress of Soviets on, 89; Hun- 
garian prisoners and, 180; among 
Siberian war prisoners, 181 ; rad- 
ical modification, 216 

Socialists, appealed to by Petrograd 
Soviet, 16 

Sonnino, Baron, 289, 290, 293 



Southern Russia, reply to Prinkipo 
proposal, 305 

Soviet Government, Izvestia as or- 
gan, 7; adoption of proposition 
for beginning negotiations for 
peace, 41; first note to Allied 
Ambassadors, 44; note to neutral 
countries November 23, 1917, 45; 
replies from neutral countries to 
note, 46 ; note to Allies, diplomats 
regarding armistice negotiatons, 
51 ; reply to statement of Britiali 
Embassy, November 30, 1917, 52; 
independence of old government 
and its peace aim, 53; note on 
interference of Allied diplomats 
and agents, 54; policy of public- 
ity, 55; question of American rec- 
ognition, 65, 66; relations with 
Committee on Public Information, 
57, 67, 77; strength after disso- 
lution of Constituent Assembly, 
76-77; American recognition 
urged, 77; note for American 
government, March 5, 1918, with 
inquiries, 81 ; Great Britain urged 
to support, 82, 84; United States 
attitude, 98, 102; Robins's con- 
fidence in, 116, 130-131; no organ- 
ized Russian opposition to, 117, 
118, 322, 326; power over An- 
archists in Moscow, 143; United 
States urged to co-operate, 147, 
150; Red Cross relations, 152; 
statement to Robins regarding 
Red Cross v/ork in Russia, 188; 
desire for economic relations with 
America and plan, 204-212, 212- 
219; recognition not necessary to 
coperation, 216; American atti- 
tude to, as stated by Francis, 
June 1, 1918, 223; note regard- 
ing Czechoslovaks June 13, 1918, 
224; official statement, September 
3, 1918, of discovery of Allied 
conspiracy, 252; letter (through 
Tchicherin) to President Wilson, 
October 24, 1918, with discussion 
of peace terms, 258; New York 
organ, 268 ; reply to Prinkipo pro- 
posal, 298; note to Italy, Febru- 
ary 14, 1919, with peace proposals 
and protest against Italian inva- 
sion, 306-317; text of projected 
peace proposal, March 14, 1919, 
317; increasing popular support, 
323, 324; territorial gains, 300, 
322; reply to Nansen, 332; pro- 



INDEX 



373 



test against alleged arrest of L. 

-■ A. Martens, 346; Allied policy un- 
changed toward, 359, 361 ; author- 
ization of foreign trade to co- 
operative union, February, 2, 
1920, 360; see also Peace pro- 
posals ; Tchicherin 

Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' 
Deputies, explanation from Pro- 
visional Government of Miliukov's 
communication to diplomats. May 
4, 1917, 12; Executive Commit- 
tee's appeal to preserve order, 13 

Soviet Russia, 268 

Soviets, Seventh Congress, resolu- 
tion, December 5, 1919, 353 

Spanish Ambassador's reply to 
Soviet Government's note of 
November 23, 1917, 46 

Stal, Mr., 200, 201 

State, United States Department 
of, on Russia being out of the 
war, 39; urged by Robins to con- 
tinue intercourse with Bolshevik 
Government, 60; warned by Fran- 
cis of Japanese invasion, 84, 85; 
Acting Secretary's correspondence 
with Japanese Ambassador, 276, 
279; note from Tchicherin, Jan- 
uary 12, 1919, 282; recognition 
of Poland, 306; credentials and 
memorandum from L. A. Mar- 
tens, 320, 321-328; Assistant Sec- 
retary's cable to Stockholm in re- 
py to Russian protest as to Mar- 
tens, 347; Assistant Secretary's 
reply to Senator Wadsworth, 351 ; 
Secretary's statement on with- 
drawal of troops from Siberia, 
355; see also Lansing, Robert 

Steklov, Mr., 7 

Stephens, Lincoln, 317 

Stevens, J. L., 104, 108, 112, 127, 
133, 142, 278, 344, 345, 346 

Stockholm, 270, 274; International 
Socialist Congress, 18, 19, 22 

Strenherg, military commissary, 
106, 109, 124, 167, 168 

Summers, Maddin, 58, 110, 122, 144, 
147, 149 

Supplies to Russia, American atti- 
tude, 47; Red Cross and, 48; 
manufactured materials and ma- 
chinery desired, 124-125, 169, 183 

Supreme Council at Paris, note to 
Kolchak, 337 ; support extended 
to Kolchak, 343; economic block- 
ade of Bolshevik Russia, 349; an- 



nouncement to Russia on Janu- 
ary 16, 1920, 358; note to Co- 
operative Union, January 26, 
1920, 359; statement as to com- 
merce with Russia, February 24, 
1920, 361 ; see also Peace Con- 
ference 



Taxation, Second Provisional Gov- 
ernment on, 21 

Taylor, Graham, Jr., [Graham 
Romeyn Taylor] 57, 58 

Tchaikovsky, Nicholas, 242, 305 

Tcheliabinsk, 225, 312 

Tcherepovetz bridge, 314 

Tchicherin, George, telegram of 
thanks to Robins, 87 ; communi- 
cation to Robins March 21, 1918, 
denying rumored German control 
commission in Petrograd, 108, 
186-187; character, 138; letter 
to Robins, April 25, 1918, with en- 
closure showing counter-revolu- 
tionary conspiracy in Far East, 
197 ; protest to Lockhart against 
British armed troops at Mur- 
mansk, 226; note to Lockhart 
asking disavowal of certain state- 
ments about intervention, 227; 
protest against movement of Brit- 
ish troops, 229; note to the Con- 
sul General of the United States 
as to armed invasion by Allied 
troops, 229; note to Poole of ap- 
peal and protest against Anglo- 
French invasion, 246; note, Aug- 
ust 20, 1918, permitting Allied 
citizens to leave Russia, 248; 
statement, September 7, 1918, as 
to exchanges and conspiracies, 
253; statement to Czechoslovak 
Provisional Government, 267 ; pro- 
test, December 2, 1918, against 
intervention, 268; note to United 
States Department of State, Jan- 
uary 12, 1919, dealing with Amer- 
ican troops in Russia and peace 
terms, 282; see also Soviet Gov- 
ernment 

Tereshchenko, 26 

Terrorism, 251, 256, 271, 315 

Thacher, T. D., 77 

Thompson, W. B., on American sup- 
plies, 48; cable from Robins on 
sin- igth of Soviet Government, 
76; cable from Robins urging 
commercial relations, 79 



374 



INDEX 



Tokoi, Mr., 137, 147, 151, 278, 279 

Tomsk, 178, 179 

Trans-Baikal Railway, 345 

Trans-Caspian territories, 339, 342 

Trans-Siberian Railway, 357 

Tredwell, R. C, 108, 348 

Trotsky, Leon, 44, 46; note to Allies' 
diplomats as to armistice negotia- 
tions, 51 ; statement regarding 
note of Lieutenant-Colonel Kerth, 
54; visit from General Judson, 
55; note on suspension of armis- 
tice negotiations, 56; note to 
Allies on peace negotiations with 
appeal to join, 61 ; Brest-Litovsk 
peace and, 79 ; informed by Robins 
of appeal and protest against Jap- 
anese plans in Sberia, 86; on 
army organization, 106; instances 
of willingness to work with Allies, 
202; Czechoslovaks disarming, 
236; statement, August 23, 1918, 
as to Allied intervention and an 
American lie, 249 

Tsarism, 1, 265, 266, 267, 271, 292, 
334 

Tschisti, J., 304 

Turkish Empire, 72 



Uchida, Viscount, 278, 279 

Ufa, 257, 301 

Ukraine, 218, 222, 275, 285, 303 

United States, friendship and sym- 
pathy for Russia, 14, 27, 29, 36, 
49, 94, 98; friendship in spite of 
difficulties, 219, 221 

United States Government, asked by 
Soviet Grovernment as to support, 
March 5, 1918, 81; policy on Jap- 
anese intervention in Siberia, 99- 
100; attitude to Soviet Govern- 
ment, 102, 335; official announce- 
ment, August 3, 1918, as to mili- 
tary and economic plans for Rus- 
sia in co-operation with Japan, 
237; note, September 1, 1918, to 
all associated and neutral govern- 
ments, protesting against indis- 
criminate slaughter in Russian 
cities, 25; Soviet Government's 
characterization, 264; policy as to 
recognition of new republics, 354; 
see also Francis, D. R.; Lansing, 
Robert; State. United States De- 
partment of; Wilson, Woodrow 

United States Grain Corporation, 
362 



Uritzki (Ouritzky), assassination, 

250, 315 
Ustrugov, Mr., 200, 201 

Viatka, 165 

Viborg, 352 

Vladivostok, 81, 87, 196; Japanese 
landing incident, 134, 136, 140; 
shipments from, 142, 154; Amer- 
ican consul involved in charge of 
conspiracy, 157, 158, 197; Soviet 
Government's view of Japanese 
landing, 194; reason given by the 
United States for occupation, 238 ; 
American troops' arrival, 344; 
Czechoslovak troops' embarkation, 
356; American troops' departure, 
357 

Vladivostok Soviet, 135 

Volga River, Czechoslovaks on, 236, 
259 

Volkhoff River, 314 

Vologda, American Embassy at, 80; 
departure oT Allied Ambassadors, 
230 

Vorovsky, V., 274, 276 

Vperedy 301 

Wadsworth, Eliot, 128 

Wadsworth, Senator, reply from Mr. 
Phillips to letter on blockade, 351 

War, determination of Provisional 
Government to continue, 33 ; " out 
of the war " reports about Russia, 
39; Russia's withdrawal, 79 

War aims, Wilson's note to Russia, 
May 26, 1917, 23; conference sug- 
gested to Allies by Provisional 
Government, 26; Root on, 30; re- 
statement, 63; restatement from 
Wilson urged by Sisson, 67 

War materials, 212 

War prisoners, 319; see also Armed 
war prisoners in Siberia 

Wardwell, A D., 77, 132, 163 

Washington Post, 30 

Webster, W. B.. 108, 147, 165; see 
also Hicks and Webster 

Westnik, 57 

White Guards, 137, 140, 145, 225, ; 
267, 334 

White terror, 251, 272 

Wilcox, E. H., 7 

Willard, Mr., 109 

Williams, Harold, 83 

Wilson, Woodrow, note to Russian 
Government May 26, 1917, on 
American war aims, 23; address 



INDEX 



375 



of welcome to Bakhmeteflf, 31 ; 
message to National Conference in 
Moscow, 36; message to Congress, 
December 4, 1917, 57-58; address 
to Congress, January 8, 1918, on 
Brest-Litovsk, etc., containing his 
Fourteen Points, 68; address of 
January 8, 1918, use and effect 
in Russia, 74; cable to Moscow 
Congress of Soviets, 87, and re- 
ply, 89, 97; address at Baltimore, 
April 6, 1918, on Liberty Loan 
and use of force against Ger- 
many, 190; appealed to by Omsk 
Government, 257; letter from 
Soviet Government, October 24, 
1918, with discussion of peace 
terms, 258; promises as seen by 
Soviet Government, 260; appealed 
to, December 24, 1918, by Litvi- 



nov, 270; remarks at Quai d'Orsay 
on Russian conditions and propo- 
sition to invite various groups to 
confer, 287, 290; Prinkipo pro- 
posal, 297; letter from Nansen, 
329, and reply to, 330; notes to 
Kolchak, 339, 343 ; message to the 
Senate, June 26, 1919, on inter- 
vention in Siberia, 343 

Withdrawal of troops, 319, 337 

Wright, J. B., 85 

Yakovleff, Mr., 124, 128, 167, 168, 

171, 180, 186 
Yanson, Mr., 106, 124, 128, 167, 168, 

171, 186, 198 
Yaraslov riot, 314 

Zvanka bridge, 314 






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